Party Genealogy and the Soviet Historians (1920–1938)

Slavic Review ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-603 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Frankel
Keyword(s):  
New Age ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Communist Manifesto

To map out a convincing genealogy of the Russian revolutionary Marxist movement (and, from 1903, of its Bolshevik wing) was always a concern of its leaders. Revolutionary Marxism made its Russian debut with Plekhanov's bookletSocialism and the Political Struggleonly in 1883, some thirty-five years after theCommunist Manifestoand almost sixty years after the Decembrist uprising. It was thus a latecomer both to European Marxism and to the Russian revolutionary movement. How was it to define its own relationship to these forerunners? To emphasize only the Marxist heritage meant to isolate the young movement from the formidable tradition of revolt already built up in Russia. But to identify the emergent Marxist movement too fully with this tradition would undermine its claim to be possessed of a new message, to be the prophet of a new age.

Law, Politics, and Violence: The Treason Trials Act of 1696

1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
James R. Phifer
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Legal Reform ◽  
New Age ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
English History ◽  
Scholarly Attention

In January, 1696, Parliament passed an act to reform the procedure used in treason trials. The consequences of this act were immense. It immediately changed the complexion of treason trials from that of conciliar hearings aimed at eliminating the government's enemies to that of actual trials which sought to establish guilt or innocence. Moreover, Parliament subsequently extended some of the key provisions of this act to criminal law proceedings, thus giving the 1696 statute a claim to being one of the well-springs of legal reform in modern England. Most important of all, however, was the effect the act had on politics. It helped to bring to a close an age in which politicians frequently attacked their opponents with charges of treason, and it thus played a part in opening a new age, one where less violent practices were employed in the political struggle.It is not the least of ironies in English history that an act as important as the Treason Trials Act of 1696 should have received so little scholarly attention. The only historian to give the act more than a few pages is Samuel Rezneck in an article written in 1930. Most historians who work on the period follow the practice of such scholars as G. M. Trevelyan, David Ogg, and Sir Keith Feiling, and either fail to mention the act or note its passage in a sentence or two. Many scholars, especially those of an earlier generation, seem to assume that the act was a natural, perhaps inevitable, reaction to Stuart tyranny—that it was part of the light brought in by William and Mary at the end of a dark century—and, hence, that there is little need to discuss it.

scholarly journals GENEALOGI REVOLUSI PARADIGMA PEMIKIRAN KEISLAMAN NAHDLATUL ULAMA

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Tejo Waskito
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Political Reconciliation ◽  
Library Studies ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Cultural Movement ◽  
The Ideal

This article tries to track genealogy of the Islamic revolutionary paradigm of thought in NU and its various possibilities have arisen. Based on the library studies using the analytical discourse approach, the result revealed that the genealogy of the Islamic paradigm of NU was born due to the internal and external dialectics bridged by multi-epistemology. Based on the 'political reconciliation' event which is called 'returning to khittah 1926' in Situbondo in 1984, NU experienced a shift orientation, not only in the political sphere but also paradigmatically. Hereby, there was social-intellectual mobility marked by the proliferation of social and intellectual discourse among NU’s young generation. The dominance of this activity leading to revolutionary movement in the field of NU’s Islamic paradigm: Aswaja's theology which was originally understood as a doctrine became a thinking methodology (manhaj alfikr); expansion of the legal institution's methodology, from qauly to manhajy; and shifting political struggle, from structural political arena to cultural politics. This discourse became massive among Nu’s young generation caused by the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, the ideal figure known as a locomotive of the NU cultural movement.

Menelaah Lebih Dekat “Post Factual/Post Truth Politics, Studi Kasus Brexit” (Analsis Resensi Media)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Wahyono ◽  
Rizka Amalia ◽  
Ikma Citra Ranteallo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
New Media ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Real ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Way

This research further examines the video entitled “what is the truth about post-factual politics?” about the case in the United States related to Trump and in the UK related to Brexit. The phenomenon of Post truth/post factual also occurs in Indonesia as seen in the political struggle experienced by Ahok in the governor election (DKI Jakarta). Through Michel Foucault's approach to post truth with assertive logic, the mass media is constructed for the interested parties and ignores the real reality. The conclusion of this study indicates that new media was able to spread various discourses ranging from influencing the way of thoughts, behavior of society to the ideology adopted by a society.Keywords: Post factual, post truth, new media

V. II principio dell’irretroattività della legge nell’esperienza giuridica romana dell’età repubblicana

2021 ◽  
Vol 138 (1) ◽  
pp. 245-273
Author(s):  
Umberto Laffi
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Dynamic Relationship ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
The Law ◽  
Criminal Legislation ◽  
Epigraphic Evidence

Abstract The Principle of the Irretroactivity of the Law in the Roman Legal Experience in the Republican Age. Through an in-depth analysis of literary and legal sources (primarily Cicero) and of epigraphic evidence, the author demonstrates that the principle of the law’s non-retroactivity was known to, and applied by, the Romans since the Republican age. The political struggle favored on several occasions the violation of this principle by imposing an extraordinary criminal legislation, aimed at sanctioning past behaviors of adversaries. But, although with undeniable limits of effectiveness in the dynamic relationship with the retroactivity, the author acknowledges that at the end of the first century BC non-retroactivity appeared as the dominant principle, consolidated both in the field of the civil law as well as substantive criminal law.

Democrazia operaia. La dottrina delle istituzioni rivoluzionarie nel Gramsci ordinovista

2013 ◽  
pp. 60-79
Author(s):  
Flavio Silvestrini
Keyword(s):  
Labor Union ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
First Year ◽  
Soviet Republic ◽  
Communist Society ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Bourgeois Society ◽  
Political Thinker

The author traces, through articles written by Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of «L'Ordine Nuovo», the development of Factory Council's doctrine. Inspired by the voluntary initiatives in Turin factories, the young Sardinian processes, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a materially and spiritually devastated postwar industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, anchored in patterns typical of the bourgeois society, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet republic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society.

Social and demographic image of Jewish revolutionaries (based on materials from the All-Union Society of Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers)

2021 ◽  
pp. 169-179
Author(s):  
Kuzma A. Yakimov
Keyword(s):  
Political Socialization ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Electronic Database ◽  
Social Origin ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Liberation Movement

The work is devoted to the study of the generalized sociographic image of the cohort of Jewish revolutionaries. The participation of Jews in the revolution is seen as an integral part of the all-Russian revolutionary process. In the course of the study, the role and place of Jews in the Rus-sian revolutionary movement in the late 19th – early 20th centuries was clarified and concretized. Thanks to the analysis of a personalized electronic database on Jewish revolutionaries, created on the basis of materials from the All-Union Society of Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers, the structure of social origin, level of education and type of activity of the left wing of politically ac-tive Jewry has been analyzed. The features of the political socialization of Jews, constrained by restrictive articles of Jewish legislation, are shown. We come to the conclusion that such a signifi-cant percentage of Jews in the revolutionary movement is explained both by the long-term devel-opment of the revolutionary liberation movement in the Pale of Settlement, and by the existence of numerous restrictions for representatives of the Jewish nationality.

Municipal Government in 1917: against the Provisional Government and the Bolsheviks (Based on Materials of Yaroslavl and Kostroma Governorates)

2021 ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Yuliya Krasovskaya ◽  
Dmitriy Khristenko
Keyword(s):  
Municipal Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
City Councils ◽  
Food Shortages ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The City ◽  
Revolutionary Period

The article discusses activities of municipal government in the inter-revolutionary period andtheir relationship with the Provisional Government and the Bolshevik’s Soviets on the example of Yaroslavl and Kostroma Gover-norates. As a result of democratic elections in the city councils, the majority in-cluded representatives of moderate socialist parties such as the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries. Based on the analysis of archival sources, the au-thors investigate the ways and methods of the urban socialist self-government’s activities in the context of a comprehensive crisis. In both governorates, munici-palities were unable to solve any of the pressing problems vital to the population like food shortages, public order, and the functioning of the urban economy. Their main concern was the political struggle and confrontation between repre-sentatives of various factions on issues far from the area of their direct respon-sibility. By their activity, and in other cases by inaction, they firstly acted actu-ally against the Provisional Government, and then against the Soviets. The inability to justify hopes in resolving key problems caused the loss of credibility in the eyes of the citizens and the Soviet government. As a result, the city coun-cils became unnecessary to both of them.

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