Free at Last? The Civil Rights Movement and the People Who Made It.

1993 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Rose ◽  
Fred Powledge
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The People

Binding consumption

2015 ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Alexander Joel Eastman
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Economic Value ◽  
Black Press ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Public Spheres ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
History Of

Dozens of newspapers written and edited by people of color flourished in the last decades of the nineteenth century in Cuba. Through an analysis of black press periodicals representative of the main political tendencies between 1879 and 1886 this article examines the economic and socio-political contexts in which the black press operated and demonstrates how Cubans of color successfully carved out a space in the market of newspaper consumption. By examining the economic forces determining circulation and readership of these periodicals, it argues that black Cubans actively negotiated the public spheres of journalism and the marketplace, becoming empowered consumers and creators of information and economic value. This article foreground debates within the black press in order to analyze the history of the Cuban civil rights movement through the perspectives of people of color and to destabilize the notion of black political homogeneity. Black journalists and leaders with national and royalist affiliations vied for political positioning and debated over how to represent the people and the struggles of the raza de color.

"I train the people to do their own talking": Septima Clark and Women in the Civil Rights Movement

2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacquelyn Dowd Hall ◽  
Eugene P. Walker ◽  
Katherine Mellen Charron ◽  
David P. Cline
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The People

scholarly journals Immigration, Civil Rights & the Evolution of the People

Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina M. Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
The Body ◽  
Immigrant Incorporation ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Full Membership ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
The People

In considering what it means to treat immigration as a “civil rights” matter, I identify two frameworks for analysis. The first, universalistic in nature, emanates from personhood and promises non-citizens the protection of generally applicable laws and an important set of constitutional rights. The second seeks full incorporation for non-citizens into “the people,” a composite that evolves over time through social contestation – a process that can entail enforcement of legal norms but that revolves primarily around political argument. This pursuit of full membership for non-citizens implicates a reciprocal relationship between them and the body politic, and the interests of the polity help determine the contours of non-citizens' membership. Each of these frameworks has been shaped by the legal and political legacies of the civil rights movement itself, but the second formulation reveals how the pursuit of immigrant incorporation cannot be fully explained as a modern-day version of the civil rights struggle.

Racialized Representations

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Sarzynski
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Northeastern Brazil ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Transnational Connections ◽  
The Third World

While race was not used as an organizing tool in the Northeast, it was also not entirely absent. The Ligas drew transnational connections between the Northeast and the US Civil Rights movement and African independence movements, positioning the white ruling majority or European colonists as the enemy of the people. Slavery was a common metaphor used to debate the possibilities of Brazil forming a coalition with the Soviet Union or the United States. The historical legacy of slavery in Northeastern Brazil also factored into debates over competing projects for development in the Northeast. Filmmakers focused on rural afro-descendent populations and stories of quilombos (maroon societies), using realism to portray the Nordestino as African, savage, impoverished and determined to survive. These racialized narratives shaped the cultural and political struggles for change in the Northeast while also redefining what it meant to be Nordestino and a part of the Third World.

Not in Our Church

2021 ◽  
pp. 14-42
Author(s):  
J. Russell Hawkins
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Southern Baptist ◽  
Southern Baptist Convention ◽  
Religious Language ◽  
Baptist Churches ◽  
Southern Baptist Churches ◽  
The People ◽  
Church Polity

Chapter 1 explores the tensions that arose in southern evangelicalism between local church congregations and state- and nation-level bodies in the wake of the 1954 Brown decision. Such tensions reveal how Southern Baptists and Methodists negotiated the heightened antagonism emerging between denominational leaders and the people in the pews over civil rights in the mid-1950s. The chapter opens with South Carolina Southern Baptist churches rejecting broader Southern Baptist Convention efforts to advocate for civil rights in religious language and concludes with lay South Carolina Methodists defending the White Citizens’ Councils against criticism from a small number of Methodist clergy. Both these studies reveal the effective authority of local congregations in directing southern white churches’ responses to matters of race in the civil rights years. This chapter highlights that the congregational-level perspective gives the best vantage point for understanding white evangelicalism’s response to the civil rights movement, regardless of church polity.

Racial Justice and the People of God: The Second Vatican Council, the Civil Rights Movement, and American Catholics

1994 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-254
Author(s):  
John T. McGreevy
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Second Vatican Council ◽  
People Of God ◽  
The People ◽  
Vatican Council ◽  
American Mission ◽  
American Catholic

Catholic participation in the southern civil rights movement culminated at Selma in March 1965. As was customary in much of the South, Selma's Catholic churches were strictly segregated, with the priests in charge of the African American “mission” parish ignored by the city's other clergy. (One attempt at integration of the city's “white” parish by a group of African American Catholic teenagers met with fierce resistance.) In addition, the bishop of Montgomery, Thomas Toolen, attempted to prevent northern Catholics from responding to the pleas of civil rights activists for assistance, maintaining that outsiders were “out of place in these demonstrations—their place is at home doing God's work… .” Regardless, priests from fifty different dioceses, lay people, and nuns flocked to Alabama to join in the marches.

The Politics of Empowerment. By Robert Weissberg. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999. 272p. $50.00.

2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 837-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
The 1960S

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s produced strong pressure on all levels of government to give “power to the people.” This urgent demand came not only from radical activists in the streets but also from the halls of academia, where scholars churned out a massive volume of studies encompassing detailed recommendations for filling the power vacuum between authoritative public and private decision makers and disadvantaged citizens whose lack of sufficient economic and political resources condemned them to the bottom rungs of the American social order. Although most of these studies were considered positive and progressive, they were not without their detractors. The most searing critique of “bottom up” schemes for empowering the disadvantaged has come from the pen of Robert Weissberg in his book, The Politics of Empowerment.

scholarly journals What Did Chartism Petition For? Mass Petitions in the British Movement for Democracy

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Chase
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Close Reading ◽  
The Third ◽  
The People ◽  
Women And Children

Chartism was in effect Britain’s civil rights movement and petitioning was at its heart: it defined who the Chartists were as well as the “other” against which they were implacably opposed. Its history has been effectively narrated around its three national petitions (1839, 1842, and 1848), and its decline almost habitually and directly linked to circumstances surrounding the last of these. More than 3.3 million people signed the 1842 National Petition. Chartism’s history after 1842 is partly one of how the State learned to manage the movement in general and petitioning in particular. The question posed by the title is deliberately ambiguous: What did the Chartists petition for and, equally, why did they bother? The first issue will be answered by a close reading of the three texts (surprisingly not undertaken by previous historians of the movement). The second will answered through an analysis of the wider uses of petitioning. The third issue addressed by this article is how petitioning constructed Chartism. In every contributing locality, canvassing was a major intervention in political life. The subscriptional community created by its petitions were “the people,” a term that clearly included not only men but also women and children. This was a different and wider meaning of the term “the people” from that used by Chartism’s opponents and it was a profound departure. Petitioning shaped, articulated, and mobilized the politics of a nascent working class, “banded together in one solemn and holy league” but excluded from economic and political power.

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