Nishio Suehiro and the Japanese Social Democratic Movement, 1920–1940

1976 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Stephen S. Large
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Value System ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Central Value ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Established Order

Social reformers must often make difficult political decisions as they define an ideology of change, and the strategies and tactics to be implemented on its behalf. As Peter Gay observes, “A democratic Socialist movement that attempts to transform a capitalist into a Socialist order is necessarily faced with the choice between two incompatibles—principles and power.” An emphasis on the purity of principles may help to sustain the identity of the movement. But it may also expose the movement to repression by governments that have as their policy the control of dissent, and insistence on society's conformity to the central value system they seek to protect. On the other hand, accommodation with the established order—however justifiable it may be as a means of working for social change from within the existing institutions of society—runs the risk of exposing reform movements to the danger of cooptation and absorption by that order, particularly if the reform movements are weak to begin with or if the pressures upon them to sacrifice their principles for the national good become irresistible.

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

The Role of the Hospital in the Health Policy of the German Social Democratic Movement before World War I

1987 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-294
Author(s):  
Alfons Labisch
Keyword(s):  
Health Policy ◽  
Social Change ◽  
World War I ◽  
Social History ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Hospital Policy ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

In this article, the author aims to contrast the traditional architecture-oriented history of hospitals with an empirical sociohistorical approach. The main topic discussed is the hospital's role in health policy as seen by German Social Democrats in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Social democratic hospital policy developed as a compromise between two extreme positions: the party theoretician's abstract ideals on the one side and the rank and file's pragmatic view on the other. Thus, the social history of the hospital can illustrate how, around the turn of the century, the political labor movement in Germany shifted from radical revolutionary aims to pragmatic social reform in everyday political practice. At the same time, the hospital underwent a fundamental social change from a charity institution to a municipal center of modern medical care. This implies that any static or one-sided interpretation of the hospital's history and sociology is inadequate: its social role constantly changes according to broader social change and different interests of social groups and organizations. As for the social history of medicine in general, modern medicine's development can not be adequately understood from the narrow perspective of medical institutions themselves. It has to be seen in the broader context of socioeconomic and sociocultural development.

scholarly journals “We were aliens, but no longer outsiders”: the strategies of political adaptation of the Mensheviks in Germany in 1920s

2021 ◽  
pp. 421-432
Author(s):  
Д.М. Нечипорук
Keyword(s):  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Foreign Delegation

Автор исследует стратегии политической адаптации меньшевиков в Германии и их вовлеченность во внутриполитические процессы Веймарской республики. В зависимости от участия в международном социалистическом движении, места внутри Социал-демократической партии Германии, положения в Заграничной Делегации берлинских меньшевиков можно поделить на интернационалистов, «изоляционистов» и «интеграционистов». Политику Заграничной Делегации в 1920-е гг. определяли интернационалисты Ю.О. Мартов, Ф.И. Дан и Р.А. Абрамович. Полноценная адаптация политэмигрантов в Германии была бы невозможна без содействия меньшевиков-«интеграционистов», имевших хорошие связи в немецкой социал-демократии. Один из старых лидеров меньшевиков А.Н. Потресов находился в берлинской эмиграции в изоляции. Он контактировал с «интеграционистами», но из-за политических разногласий не взаимодействовал с Заграничной Делегацией. The article is devoted to a history of Menshevism in German exile in the 1920s. The author studies three strategies of political adaptation in Weimar Republic: Internationalism, Integration, and Isolation. A chosen strategy depended on the participation in the international socialist movement, a position either within the Social Democratic Party of Germany, or the position adopted in the Foreign Delegation, a governing body of Mensheviks’ party abroad. The Foreign Delegation Policy in the 1920s was led by the internationalists Martov, Dan, and Abramovich. The adaptation of Mensheviks-internationalists in Germany would not have been possible without the assistance of “integrationists” who worked as the specialists and experts in German Social Democracy Party. One of the leaders of the Mensheviks A.N. Potresov found himself in isolation in German exile. He maintained contacts with some "integrationists", but because of acute political differences with Dan, Potresov stayed away from the Foreign Delegation. This division came to an end after the collapse of the Weimar Republic in 1933, when Mensheviks moved to the other states.

The Values and Norms of Islam

2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Ahmed Akgunduz
Keyword(s):  
Islamic Law ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
The Other ◽  
Moral Norms ◽  
Simple Fact ◽  
Value System ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Islamic Legal Theory ◽  
The World ◽  
Over Time

AbstractIslamic Law is one of the broadest and most comprehensive systems of legislation in the world. It was applied, through various schools of thought, from one end of the Muslim world to the other. It also had a great impact on other nations and cultures. We will focus in this article on values and norms in Islamic law. The value system of Islam is immutable and does not tolerate change over time for the simple fact that human nature does not change. The basic values and needs (which can be called maṣlaḥa) are classified hierarchically into three levels: (1) necessities (Ḍarūriyyāt), (2) convenience (Ḥājiyyāt), and (3) refinements (Kamāliyyāt=Taḥsīniyyāt). In Islamic legal theory (Uṣūl al‐fiqh) the general aim of legislation is to realize values through protecting and guaranteeing their necessities (al-Ḍarūriyyāt) as well as stressing their importance (al‐ Ḥājiyyāt) and their refinements (taḥsīniyyāt).In the second part of this article we will draw attention to Islamic norms. Islam has paid great attention to norms that protect basic values. We cannot explain all the Islamic norms that relate to basic values, but we will classify them categorically. We will focus on four kinds of norms: 1) norms (rules) concerned with belief (I’tiqādiyyāt), 2) norms (rules) concerned with law (ʿAmaliyyāt); 3) general legal norms (Qawā‘id al‐ Kulliyya al‐Fiqhiyya); 4) norms (rules) concerned with ethics (Wijdāniyyāt = Aḵlāqiyyāt = Ādāb = social and moral norms).

Fostering peace through dialogue The international social democratic movement and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 166-177
Author(s):  
Pentti Väänänen
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Active Member ◽  
Vice Presidents ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Willy Brandt ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Global Affairs

The Socialist International (SI), the worldwide forum of the socialist, social democratic, and labor parties, actively looked for a solution to the Jewish-Palestinian conflict in the 1980s. At that time, the Israeli Labour Party still was the leading political force in Israel, as it had been historically since the foundation of the country. The Labour Party was also an active member of the SI. The Party’s leader, Shimon Peres, was one of its vice-presidents. At the same time, the social democratic parties were the leading political force in Western Europe. Several important European leaders, many of them presidents and prime ministers, were involved in the SI’s work. They included personalities such as Willy Brandt of Germany; former president of the SI, Francois Mitterrand of France; James Callaghan of Great Britain; Bruno Kreisky of Austria; Bettini Craxi of Italy; Felipe Gonzalez of Spain; Mario Soares of Portugal; Joop de Uyl of the Netherlands; Olof Palme of Sweden; Kalevi Sorsa of Finland; Anker Jörgensen of Denmark; and Gro Harlem Brudtland of Norway—all of whom are former vice-presidents of the SI. As a result, in the 1980s, the SI in many ways represented Europe in global affairs, despite the existence of the European Community (which did not yet have well-defined common foreign policy objectives).

Heralds and witnesses poets of Serbian romanticism - between religion of the nation and loss of faith

2017 ◽  
pp. 635-649
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Pavicevic
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Social Organization ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The Other ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Poor Condition ◽  
Institutional Infrastructure ◽  
National Romanticism

Ideas of Enlightement, national romanticism and transformation of geopolitical situation on the Balkans, were cultural and historical context in which bases of modern Serbian state was established. That was the time of intensive social change directed towards building institutional infrastructure as well as towards transforming traditional, ?obsolete? folk customs and habits. Poor condition of Serbian Orthodox Church and domination of religious world views among people were considered to be the most serious obstacles in creating modern state. Thus, great number of intelectuals were anticlerical and promoted liberal and secularized social organization. On the other hand, the whole epoch was characterized by strong antiscientistic orientation which was expresed through developing of different mistical, alternative, neopagan cults. Specific for our region was so called ?religion of the nation? which appeared as substitution for loss of eshatological perspective in life of Christian civilization. Poets of Serbian romanticism were heralds and witnesses of this civilization ?turn?. Their poetry can be observed as reflex and announcement of secularization in Serbian society. In this paper, we analyzed their writings about death, love, hope, nature and nation.

The Social Democratic Movement in Prewar Japan.

1967 ◽  
Vol 40 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
J. A. A. Stockwin ◽  
George O. Totten III
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social

Anthropology and the classics: war, violence, and the statelesspolis

2000 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Berent
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Classical Tradition ◽  
Birth Control ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
The Other ◽  
Value System ◽  
Persian Wars ◽  
Intellectual Revolution ◽  
Greek Civilization ◽  
Constitutional Changes

I. INTRODUCTIONIt has become a commonplace in contemporary historiography to note the frequency of war in ancient Greece. Yvon Garlan says that, during the century and a half from the Persian wars (490 and 480–479 B.C.) to the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.), Athens was at war, on average, more than two years out of every three, and never enjoyed a period of peace for as long as ten consecutive years. ‘Given these conditions’, says Garlan, ‘one would expect them (i.e. the Greeks) to consider war as a problem …. But this was far from being the case.’ The Greek acceptance of war as inevitable was contrasted by Momigliano and others with the attention given to constitutional changes and to the prevention ofstasis: ‘the Greeks came to accept war like birth and death about which nothing could be done …. On the other hand constitutions were men-made and could be modified by men.’Moralist overtones were not absent from this re-evaluation of Greek civilization. Havelock observed that the Greeks exalted, legitimized, and placed organized warfare at the heart of the European value system, and Momigliano suggested that:The idea of controlling wars, like the idea of the emancipation of women and the idea of birth control, is a part of the intellectual revolution of the nineteenth century and meant a break with the classical tradition of historiography of wars.

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