Problems of Social Stratification and the Demarcation of National and Local Elites in British Ceylon

1974 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Roberts

Political developments in Ceylon during the 1950's drew attention to the forward thrust of a social formation in the Sinhala districts which has been described variously as “the rural middle classes,” “the lower middle-class traditionalists,” a “new village leadership” and so on. The political antecedents of this “group” were not traced beyond the 1930's, though several writers recognized that it was part of a social category which existed in British times. In recent articles it has been argued that the political activities of individuals drawn from this social category date back to the late nineteenth century. Be that as it may, it is obviously of value to clarify the lines of differentiation between this middle-level social category and the indigenous elite placed hierarchically above them. The former can be described as a “sub-elite,” a “subordinate elite,” an “intermediate elite,” or a “local elite.” The latter can be described as a “macro-elite,” a “central elite” or a “national elite.” Though convenience dictates the choice of one of these combinations, a reference to the alternatives is necessary because each captures a facet which the other labels do not convey.

2021 ◽  
pp. 75-90
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes

This chapter deals with democracy and Rousseau's participative polity. The demands of positive freedom are also those of the political body, constituted of citizens, to organize itself. The chapter explores this ever-important notion. No freedom can be complete without a fully democratized state — and this includes the subjection of the economy to public rule. The national dimension of the movement is clearly established. Although it is largely working class, it has involved many other segments of society and can best be described as a movement of the small-middle stratum of citizens — either lower-middle class or upper-working class — what is described as 'the small-mean class'. It has been foreshadowed by police tactics against the banlieues; it has involved the most modest parts of French society directly, who have largely contributed to the movement, the middle classes, who have been commenting on it and trying to portray it as a jacquerie, or peasant revolt, and the upper classes, who have seen their iconic boulevards closed off and vandalized.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 761-788 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID KENNEDY ◽  
MICHAEL COLLINS

This article studies the political significance of the schism that occurred at Liverpool's single professional football club in 1892 and which led to the incorporation of two clubs, Everton FC and Liverpool FC. Significantly, the management and direction of professional football had become bound up with community politics and identity at a time of important change in municipal politics when the tories' ascendancy faced a Liberal challenge partly predicated on the success of a virulent moral crusade over the influence of alcohol, social decay, and corruption in local government. At its simplest, the dispute at the club concerned allegations of commercial exploitation by the largest financial stakeholder. More fundamentally, rival factions were championing competing models for the role they believed a successful football club should be performing within the community which, in turn, embraced attempts by the political parties to engage male, working-class voters. Interestingly, the schism was within Protestant ranks for, despite the prominence often assigned to the role of sectarianism in Liverpool politics, differences between Catholics and Protestants played very little part in the dispute. This case study highlights the complexity of Liverpool political activities and alliances and reveals the importance of a multi-layered interplay of local and national issues.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fadli ◽  
Muh. Kausar Bailusy ◽  
Jayadi Nas ◽  
Achmad Zulfikar

AbstractThis research aims to illustrate and analyze the role of local elites in increasing voter participation and impact of local elite involvement in North Lampung District Head Vice Regent and Vice Regent 2015 by using qualitative descriptive method. Data were obtained by using interviews as well as literature and document studies. The results indicate that local elites play a role in increasing participation in Pilkada in North Toraja according to their capacity. Local political elites socialize candidate pairs, become campaign teams and volunteer teams of candidates for regent / vice bupati candidates. Religious figures become part of the election organizers and socialize the implementation of Pilkada through religious activities. Adat leaders play a role by utilizing the charisma owned socialize information Pilkada to the community, build communication with the candidate pair then support it in the elections. The involvement of local elites in the implementation of North Sulawesi District Head Vice Regent and Vice Regent 2015 has a significant impact on the political participation of the community. Increasing the political participation of the people in Pilkada is not solely because of the involvement of local elites in disseminating information on Regional Head Election. However, there are other motivating factors that enable the community to actively participate, namely (1) to be given material rewards (including piloting gambling activities) and (2) the religious sentiments of one of the candidate pairs on religious leaders in worship activities.Keywords: Local Elite, Political Participation, Toraja UtaraAbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisis peran elit lokal dalam meningkatkan partisipasi pemilih serta dampak keterlibatan elit lokal pada Pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Kabupaten Toraja Utara tahun 2015 dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Data diperoleh dengan menggunakan wawancara serta studi pustaka dan dokumen. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa elit lokal berperan dalam peningkatan partisipasi pada Pilkada di Toraja Utara sesuai kapasitasnya. Elit politik lokal mensosialisasikan pasangan calon, menjadi tim kampanye dan tim relawan pasangan calon bupati/wakil bupati. Tokoh agama menjadi bagian dari penyelenggara Pilkada dan mensosialisasikan pelaksanaan Pilkada melalui kegiatan keagamaan. Tokoh adat berperan dengan memanfaatkan kharisma yang dimiliki mensosialisasikan informasi Pilkada kepada masyarakat, membangun komunikasi dengan pasangan calon kemudian mendukungnya dalam Pilkada. Keterlibatan elit lokal dalam pelaksanaan Pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati Toraja Utara tahun 2015 memiliki dampak yang signifikan terhadap partisipasi politik masyarakat. Meningkatnya partisipasi politik masyarakat pada Pilkada bukan semata-mata karena keterlibatan elit lokal dalam mensosialisasikan informasi Pilkada. Akan tetapi terdapat faktor pendorong lain sehingga masyarakat aktif berpartisipasi, yaitu (1) diberikan imbalan materi (termasuk kegiatan judi Pilkada) dan (2) adanya sentimen keagamaan salah satu pasangan calon terhadap tokoh agama (pendeta) dalam kegiatan ibadah.Kata Kunci: Elit Lokal, Partisipasi Politik, Toraja Utara


Author(s):  
Yuri Pines

This chapter focuses primarily on those members of local elites who were connected to the government apparatus. This core group of local elites had decisively shaped state-elite interactions throughout imperial history. The chapter first outlines historical changes in the character of local elites and in their relations with the pre-imperial, the early imperial, and the late imperial state. It shows that the process of establishing viable relations between these elites and the bureaucracy was a lengthy and painful one, and that it took more than a full millennium for the empire to learn how to harness local elites to its cause. Even then, tension between holders of social and of administrative power remained highly visible, and cycles of cooperation and contest between them shaped much of the political dynamics of the imperial age.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Nur Faizin

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) plays an important role in various aspects of Indonesians’ life. In a political sphere, NU had became a respected political party. Eventually, NU decided to withdraw from politics through the declaration of khittah, which was mandated by the National Alim Ulama NU meeting at Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, East Java on 13-16 Rabi’ul Awwal 1404 H / 18-21 December 1983 M. However, this declaration is not immediately release its’ cadres not to plunge in the political stage. Nowadays, many NU cadres occupying important positions both in local and the central government. Therefore, it is interesting to observe how local elite of NU in Sumenep during the local election contribute to shape political dynamics in the region. This research using qualitative research method by employing interpretive and naturalistic approaches to the subject of study. The key informants for this research are those who actively engage in politics, especially the elites of the NU and their followers. This study found that there are continuity relations between the NU elites who take part in practical political stage and those who are behind the political stage. In addition, the battle of several candidates for government position among the local elites of NU pushed the blessing of kyai away from the significant factor of voters to decide whom they had chosen in the last election.NU (Nadlatul Ulama) berperan penting dalam berbagai kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Dalam ranah politik, NU pernah menjadi sebuah partai besar yang disegani. Akhirnya ia memilih keluar dari lingkaran percaturan pilitik praktis melalui khittah NU 1926 yang dipuruskan melalui musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama NU di Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, Jawa Timur pada tanggal 13-16 Robi’ul Awwal 1404 H/18-21 Desember 1983 M. Sejak saat itu NU dan politik terpisah secara praktis. Namun demikian tidak dengan serta merta melepas para kader-kadernya untuk tidak terjun di panggung politik. Saat ini telah banyak kader NU menduduki posisi penting baik di pemerintahan daerah hingga pemerintahan pusat. Hal tersebut tentunya tidak terlepas dari background rumah asal mereka sebagai golongan nahdliyin. Begitu pula yang terjadi di daerah Kabupaten Sumenep. Sejak pemilihan umum secara langsung tidak sedikit kader NU duduk di pemerintahan lokal sebgai DPRD ataupun kepala pemerintah daerah (bupati). Yang menjadi persoalan utama di sini ialah tidak hanya mereka yang menang merebut kuasa, namun lebih pada bagaimana pengaruh elite lokal NU dalam dinamika Pemilukada di Kabupaten Sumenep terutama pada tahun 2010. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, yang memfokuskan diri pada perhatian dengan berbagai metode mencakup pendekatan interpretatif dan naturalistik terhadap subjek kajiannya. Sedangkan lokasi penelitian ialah di Kabupaten Sumenep, Jawa Timur. Sasaran penelitian masyarakat Sumenep dan elite NU Kabupaten Sumenep. Walau penelitian berlangsung selama satu bulan penelitian termasuk prelimenary research. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan beberapa rangkaian kesinambungan antara elite NU yang berkiprah di panggung politik praktis dan mereka yang berada di belakang panggung. Selain itu pertarungan beberapa calon kepala pemerintahan yang nota bane adalah rata-rata sebagai warga nahdliyin tidak menjadikan pengaruh atau restu kiai sebagai alasan utama pemilih pada Pemilukada tahun 2010 memilih calon yang dikehendaki.Key words: NU, Local Election, Kyai, and Politics.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-257
Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This article examines the political and artistic activities of dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar at the Paris Opéra during and immediately after the occupation of Paris. Although Lifar was cleared of charges of collaborationism with the German authorities after the war, the question of collaborationism has arisen again in light of the rehabilitation of his aesthetic by the Paris Opéra and other dance companies. Using archival materials usually ignored by dance scholars, this article examines Lifar's political activities, his political convictions, and his political ambitions. His theory of ballet as set forth in La Danse: les grands courants de la danse académique (1938) and two of his successful ballets of this period – Joan de Zarissa (1942) and Suite en blanc (1943) – are discussed in light of his politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

This chapter details events following the end of the Terror and the political and emotional crisis of the Year II. The question that a great many Frenchmen put to themselves both in France and in the emigration, and a question to which observers throughout Europe and America awaited the answer, was whether some kind of moderate or constitutional regime would be durably established. The next four years showed that constitutional quietude was still far away. The difficulty was that not everyone agreed on what either moderation or justice should consist in. Justice, for some, required the punishment of all revolutionaries and their sympathizers. For others, it meant a continuing battle against kings, priests, aristocrats, and the comfortable middle classes. Both groups saw in “moderation” a mere tactic of the opposition, and moderates as the dupes of the opposite extreme. Compromise for them meant the surrender of principle. It meant truckling with an enemy that could never be trusted, and had no real intention of compromise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


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