Inequality and Insurgency: A Statistical Study of South Vietnam

1968 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-438 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward J. Mitchell

Tocqueville referred to the behavior of the French peasantry during the Revolution as a wonder of history. The centers of revolution, he noted, were the very districts in which social reform and progress had been most visible, whereas resistance to revolution sprang up in areas where the old order had been most completely retained.

2017 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-363
Author(s):  
Nicole Mottier

The battles that peasants waged during the Mexican Revolution translated into a series of agrarian and agricultural institutions, and one of these was the Banco Nacional de Crédito Ejidal, created in 1926. Histories deeply engrained in both the popular imagination of Mexico and scholarly historiography have offered a generic classic narrative of ejidal credit, beginning with Lázaro Cárdenas. He and his cabinet sought to transform theejidointo the engine of agricultural growth for the nation and carried out a sweeping and (in qualified ways) successful land reform, thereby bringing the revolution to the fullest fruition many Mexicans would ever know. It is assumed that ejidal credit peaked during Cárdenas's administration in two major ways: first, it was in this period that ejidal credit societies received the most loans from the Banco Nacional del Crédito Ejidal, and second, it was during the same period that the bank clearly and unanimously embraced social reform goals over orthodox banking goals.


2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 427-440
Author(s):  
PIERRE ASSELIN

The spring 1965 deployment of U.S. ground forces to South Vietnam and initiation of sustained aerial and naval bombardments of the North by the U.S. military marked a turning point in the history of the Vietnamese Revolution. Until recently, Western scholars only vaguely understood Hanoi's attitude toward those developments and what they meant for the revolution it spearheaded. Newly available materials from Vietnam provide a clearer picture of the concerns of North Vietnamese policymakers in the period immediately before and after the American intervention. Based on such materials, this article demonstrates that, when it committed the North to a wider war with the United States, Hanoi did so reluctantly. Having made the commitment, however, it stopped at nothing to guarantee the ultimate success of its efforts.


1976 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-8
Author(s):  
Istvan Deak

The national movement to foster the social, political, and economic rejuvenation of Hungary began in earnest some twenty years before the Revolution of 1848. There was a direct line of development from the first reform diet of 1825, which demanded the redress of national grievances but no economic or social reform, to the last diet of feudal Hungary in 1847–1848, which demanded and obtained national sovereignty, the emancipation of the peasants, and the codification of basic human rights. During these years Hungary's political climate definitely changed, and every political group, even the court circles in Vienna, moved in what can be called a generally progressive or leftist direction. The court, the Hungarian chancellery in Vienna, the royal administration in Budapest, the conservative, liberal, and radical parties in the diet, and the extra-parliamentary opposition in the streets and the cafés—all assiduously planned, advocated, and introduced reform programs.


2020 ◽  
pp. 165-168
Author(s):  
Patricia D. Norland

This chapter narrates how Sen and her husband, Nhieu, worked “directly for the people” through acts of charity. It explains how Nhieu's appointment as vice minister of health in South Vietnam provided cover for their clandestine actions, such as supplying food, donating medicines, arranging lodging for agents whose families disowned them, or who came to the city to give birth. It talks about the fear of Sen's friends of meeting her and her husband after the revolution and reunification, attributing her wealth to being guilty. The chapter explores Sen's belief that northerners and southerners are very different in how they live but they share patriotism as the one thing they have in common. It describes how Sen immersed herself in family and friends who remained in Saigon and was happy even if her friends formed at Lycée Marie Curie took different paths during the war.


Slavic Review ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Pastor

Late in October 1918, in the shadow of impending defeat, nationalist revolutions rocked the Austro-Hungarian Empire. By the time the Austro-Hungarian representatives signed the Padua Armistice on November 3, imperial authority no longer existed in the Dual Monarchy. In Hungary the revolution of October 30 brought to power a coalition government led by the liberal pacifist, Mihaly Karolyi. The coalition included the Karolyi-led Independence Party, the Social Democrats, and the Radicals of Oszkar Jaszi. This revolutionary government's aim was to liquidate the semifeudal remnants of the old order by introducing democratic, political, and social reforms.


Author(s):  
William Doyle

The French Revolution began as a destructive force. The revolutionaries wanted to abolish anything associated with the old order. ‘What it ended’ describes how the French Revolution had begun as an attack on despotism, aristocracy, old-style corporatism, and privilege. It provided an opportunity to dispense with the old and replace with new. However, although the Revolution symbolized the assertion of political will against the constraints of history, circumstance, and vested interest, the revolutionaries soon realized that will alone is not enough to destroy the old. The old fought back. But these attempts were always problematic as concerns with the old regime remained. No true restoration was ever possible.


Author(s):  
Thong Win

In his chapter on guerrilla film-making and exhibition in colonised Vietnam, Thong Win explores how underground documentary film practices informed Vietnamese communist ideology and established support for the revolutionary cause in rural areas of the Mekong Delta in South Vietnam during the First Indochina War against France (1946-1954), and, after 1948. Win unravels the ways in which these alternative film practices dictated by the Viet Minh in Hanoi established a counter-model to French colonial film-making and policy in Vietnam, and how they were also aimed at unifying the diversified regions of the country into an idealised coherent pro-revolutionary entity.


Author(s):  
Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal

The Russian Religious-Philosophical Renaissance was created by lay intellectuals who found rationalism, positivism and Marxism inadequate as explanations of the world or guides to life. They were deeply engaged in finding solutions to the problems of their time, which they saw as moral or spiritual/cultural in nature. Some were already devout Christians; others became so later on. Collectively known as the God-seekers, they propounded their ideas in numerous publications and in the Religious-Philosophical Societies of St Petersburg and Moscow. The meetings of these societies attracted capacity audiences and helped disassociate religion from reaction. Branches were founded in Kiev and Vladimir. The founding members were mainly Symbolist writers and idealist philosophers. Both groups sought a new understanding of Christianity, but the Symbolists emphasized psychological and literary/aesthetic issues and the idealists focused on ethics, epistemology and political and social reform. The Revolution of 1905 was a watershed for all of them. The hitherto apolitical Symbolists perceived it as the start of the apocalypse and championed anarchistic political doctrines. The idealists continued to champion reform. After the revolution, some of them called for a new religious intelligentsia that respected culture and the creation of wealth, spiritual/cultural and material. Both groups began to talk about national identity and destiny. The Bolshevik Revolution signalled the end of the Religious-Philosophical Renaissance. In 1922–3, over 160 non-Marxist intellectuals were forced into exile, where they continued their work. Inside Russia private religious-philosophic study circles carried on illegally. The Religious-Philosophical Renaissance had a profound impact on Russian thought and culture. It inspired attempts to ground metaphysics and political doctrines in Christianity, demands for church reform, visions of a new culture, sophiology, religious existentialism and new interpretations of Orthodox ritual and dogma. Its proponents made people aware of the needs of the ‘inner man’, the soul or the psyche, and the importance of art and myth. Symbolism became the dominant aesthetic, shaping literature, poetry, painting and theatre. Theorists of Symbolism tried to make it the basis of a new cosmological worldview. The Religious-Philosophical Renaissance was rediscovered by Soviet intellectuals in the 1960s, nourished the dissident movement from then on, and is extensively discussed in Russia today.


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