The Vix Mission in Hungary, 1918-1919: A Re-examination

Slavic Review ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Pastor
Keyword(s):  
Coalition Government ◽  
Social Reforms ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Revolution

Late in October 1918, in the shadow of impending defeat, nationalist revolutions rocked the Austro-Hungarian Empire. By the time the Austro-Hungarian representatives signed the Padua Armistice on November 3, imperial authority no longer existed in the Dual Monarchy. In Hungary the revolution of October 30 brought to power a coalition government led by the liberal pacifist, Mihaly Karolyi. The coalition included the Karolyi-led Independence Party, the Social Democrats, and the Radicals of Oszkar Jaszi. This revolutionary government's aim was to liquidate the semifeudal remnants of the old order by introducing democratic, political, and social reforms.

Social Democrats and Communists in Weimar Germany

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joachim C. Häberlen
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter discusses the Social Democratic and Communist Parties during the Weimar Republic. The Weimar Republic was the working-class movement’s biggest accomplishment; and yet, it was also an immense disappointment for many in the working-class movement. Social Democrats considered the achievements of the republic, such as equal voting rights and the extension of the social welfare state, a tremendous victory; for Communists, by contrast, the revolution of 1918 had not gone far enough. They had hoped that Germany would follow the Soviet Union’s example towards socialism, and when this did not happen, they felt that Social Democracy had betrayed the revolution. The result was a lasting division within the working-class movement, which the chapter analyses. The chapter first inquires about the role both parties played in the foundation of the republic; it then looks in more detail into the parties during the republic, emphasizing the Social Democrats’ support for Weimar, and the Communists’ attempts to prepare for a revolution in non-revolutionary times; finally, the chapter explores how both parties responded to the economic depression and the mounting political violence at the end of the republic.

Plauen, 1990/1992/1994 From Schoolmarm to Revolutionary: Annaliese Saupe, Old “New Teacher” and Local Heroine

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Rodden
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
New Teacher ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Educational Policies ◽  
Daily Routine ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
German Region ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Revolution

“Oma der Revolution,” a neighborhood child calls her. “Grandmother of the Revolution.” And that she is: a revolutionary in love with the past, a revolutionary in love with a bygone Germany. When I first met Annaliese Saupe in 1987, I had no idea that she had been such a hell-raiser: blacklisted by the Nazis, vocal critic of SED educational policies, fired for insubordination by SED school authorities. Nor could I have guessed what would lay ahead for her only two years in the future, when she would be lionized by neighbors for her derring-do against the SED during the Revolution of the Candles. With her hair coiled into a huge white bun on top of her head, her large brown eyes and quick smile, her slight limp and walking cane, her encyclopedic knowledge of grocery prices past and present, her antiquarian’s passion for the history of her native region, her enduring love affair with Goethe and Schiller: Annaliese Saupe seems much like a Hausfrau and history schoolmarm—which is also just what she has been. I met Frau Saupe in 1987 at a Goethe Institute talk near Freiburg, where she gave a presentation on Goethe’s daily routine in Weimar. Struck by Frau Saupe’s vibrance and energy, I struck up an acquaintance with her. Already 75 years old, she was a dynamo who could easily pass for a woman in her early 60s. She invited me to visit her in her hometown of Plauen, a small Saxony city of 85,000 in the old German region of Vogtland. But the paperwork for my tourist visa to East Germany dragged on beyond my six-week visit in West Germany, and I returned to the United States disappointed. Nonetheless, we wrote each other, and in early December 1990, during the week of the first free elections in eastern Germany since 1933—in which Frau Saupe voted, now as then, for the Social Democrats—I finally had an opportunity to visit Plauen. “Please don’t leave Germany this time without coming to see me!” she had written me.

The Dollfuß Ministry: The Democratic Prelude

1998 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. John Rath
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Adolf Hitler ◽  
Benito Mussolini ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Democratic Government ◽  
The Social

The typical dictator of the interwar period was, like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini, already a convinced fascist or authoritarian when he first came to power. This was not the case in Austria, where Engelbert Dollfuß, the semifascist dictator of 1934, was seemingly a genuine democrat when he was appointed chancellor in May 1932. Even his appointment was accidental. Had the Social Democrats accepted Ignaz Seipel's and Karl Buresch's overtures in 1931 to join the Christian Socials in a coalition government, Dollfuß might never have become chancellor. And had they not rejected a second effort by Buresch in April 1932 and demanded new elections, democratic government in Austria would have been strengthened rather than weakened.

Merkel opens door for a different Europe

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Euro Area ◽  
Grand Coalition ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Content Type ◽  
German Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
Future Direction

Significance Merkel’s decision represents the culmination of discontent from within her party and outside regarding her socially liberal policies and grand coalition government with the Social Democrats (SPD). Her party successor will determine how long Merkel remains chancellor, the future direction of the CDU and German politics, as well as Germany’s future relationship with Europe. Impacts Merkel’s departure could open the door for a rapprochement in German-US relations. A more unilateralist Germany could undermine euro-area stability. The ‘Normandy’ format -- aimed at managing conflict in Ukraine -- could face extinction.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Party preferences and political participation: the emergence of the Turkish-origin German voter

2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
Vera Eccarius-Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Missed Opportunities ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Turkish Origin ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
Specific Interests

The article examines trends in voting preferences and voting behavior of Turkish-origin German voters. Despite only representing a small percentage of the total German electorate, Turkish-origin voters are gaining an opportunity to shape the future political landscape. While the Social Democrats have benefited most directly from the minority constituency so far, this author suggests that the Green Party is poised to attract the younger, better educated, and German-born segment of the Turkish-origin voters. All other dominant national parties have ignored this emerging voting bloc, and missed opportunities to appeal to Turkish-origin voters by disregarding community-specific interests. 

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

The Struggle Against Revolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Retallack
Keyword(s):  
Social Democracy ◽  
National Context ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Rules Of The Game ◽  
Local Levels

This chapter focuses on the repression unleashed against Social Democrats in Saxony and Germany under Bismarck’s Anti-Socialist Law (1878–90). The chapter’s perspective moves between the national, regional, and local levels to assess the range of options open to those who sought to eradicate the “threat” of Social Democracy. The first section examines the national context of Bismarck’s war on socialism, while the following section considers Saxon peculiarities (opportunities and constraints). The focus falls on plans to impose the Lesser State of Siege on Leipzig. The next section discusses the Social Democrats’ continuing success in Landtag and Reichstag elections and zooms in on election battles “in the trenches.” Two final sections consider groups and individuals who played other roles in suppressing Social Democracy, in monitoring the fairness of elections, and in trying to rewrite the “rules of the game” for future election contests.

Who Was This Man?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Atlantic World ◽  
Life Experiences ◽  
Broad Context ◽  
Military Power ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Revolution

Chapter 1 introduces the broad context of the eighteenth-century Atlantic world in which Crispus Attucks lived, describes the events of the Boston Massacre, and assesses what we know about Attucks’s life. It also addresses some of the most widely known speculations and unsupported stories about Attucks’s life, experiences, and family. Much of what is assumed about Attucks today is drawn from a fictionalized juvenile biography from 1965, which was based largely on research in nineteenth-century sources. Attucks’s characterization as an unsavory outsider and a threat to the social order emerged during the soldiers’ trial. Subsequently, American Revolutionaries in Boston began the construction of a heroic Attucks as they used the memory of the massacre and all its victims to serve their own political agendas during the Revolution by portraying the victims as respectable, innocent citizens struck down by a tyrannical military power.

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