Shi'Ism and Social Protest

Drawing from Latin-American and Argentinean ethnic studies, in dialogue with African philosophy and African youth studies, this essay addresses collective agency as it emerges at the intersection of age and ethnicity within national formations of otherness. These formations organize how people live and define who must die and how. The aim is to develop a theoretical input to enrich the debate on the concept of intersectionality. The essay focuses on how young Mapuche activism dismantles and/or reproduces identities and experiences available to Mapuche youth in contemporary Argentina. This activism gained prominence recently due to a neoliberal change in national politics that rearranged the relationship between the nation and its internal others in order to legitimize violent repression of social protest. Within this context, young Mapuche activists (mainly male) are portrayed as a public menace.

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The Opinion-Mobilizing Effect of Social Protest against Police Violence: Evidence from the 2020 George Floyd Protests

American Political Science Review ◽

10.1017/s0003055421000460 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-9

Author(s):

TYLER T. RENY ◽

BENJAMIN J. NEWMAN

Keyword(s):

Law Enforcement ◽

Cross Sections ◽

Regression Discontinuity ◽

Social Protest ◽

Large Dataset ◽

Police Violence ◽

Political Orientations ◽

Mass Opinion ◽

The U.S

Does social protest following the police killing of unarmed Black civilians have a widespread “opinion-mobilizing” effect against the police? Or, does the racialized nature of these events polarize mass opinion based on standing racial and political orientations? To answer these questions, we use a large dataset comprised of weekly cross sections of the American public and employ a regression discontinuity in time (RDiT) approach leveraging the random timing of the police killing of George Floyd and ensuing nationwide protests. We find that the Floyd protests swiftly decreased favorability toward the police and increased perceived anti-Black discrimination among low-prejudice and politically liberal Americans. However, attitudes among high-prejudice and politically conservative Americans either remained unchanged or evinced only small and ephemeral shifts. Our evidence suggests that the Floyd protests served to further racialize and politicize attitudes within the domain of race and law enforcement in the U.S.

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Colluding With and Resisting the State: Organizing Against Gender Violence in the U.S.

Feminist Criminology ◽

10.1177/1557085120987607 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 155708512098760

Author(s):

Beth E. Richie ◽

Valli Kalei Kanuha ◽

Kayla Marie Martensen

Keyword(s):

Social Protest ◽

Gender Violence ◽

Racial Justice ◽

Gender Based Violence ◽

Transformative Justice ◽

Past Half Century ◽

Gender Based ◽

Political Praxis ◽

Past Half ◽

The U.S

The movements for racial justice, health equity, and economic relief have been activated in the contentious and challenging climate of 2020, with COVID-19 and social protest. In this context, feminist scholars, anti-violence advocates, and transformative justice practitioners have renewed their call for substantive changes to all forms of gender-based violence. This article offers a genealogy of the battered women’s movement in the U.S. from the lived experiences of two longtime activists. These reflections offer an analysis of the political praxis which evolved over the past half century of the anti-violence movement, and which has foregrounded the current social, political, and ideological framing of gender-based violence today. We conclude with a view to the future, focusing on the possibilities for transformative justice and abolition feminism as a return to our radical roots and ancestral histories.

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Shi'ism and Social Protest. Edited by Juan R. I. Cole and Nikki R. Keddie (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986. x, 325p. $40.00 cloth; $12.95 paper).

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/1958074 ◽

1988 ◽

Vol 82 (1) ◽

pp. 269-270

Author(s):

Charles E. Butterworth

Keyword(s):

Social Protest ◽

New Haven ◽

Yale University

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Against the State: Politics and Social Protest in Japan.

Contemporary Sociology A Journal of Reviews ◽

10.2307/2070140 ◽

1985 ◽

Vol 14 (2) ◽

pp. 182

Author(s):

John Creighton Campbell ◽

David E. Apter ◽

Nagayo Sawa

Keyword(s):

State Politics ◽

Social Protest ◽

The State

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The relevance of religion and the response to it: a study of religious perceptions in early Islam

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland ◽

10.1017/s0035869x00141589 ◽

1988 ◽

Vol 120 (2) ◽

pp. 265-287

Author(s):

Muhammad Qasim Zaman

Keyword(s):

Religious Commitment ◽

Social Protest ◽

Perceived Threat ◽

Islamic World ◽

Early Islam ◽

Medieval Islam

What did the Muslim citizen of the classical Islamic world mean by Islam? In what sense was it operative in his life? To what extent did an Islamic slogan signify religious commitment? The difficulty in treating these questions consists in the fact of the variety, not the dearth of answers to them. Rather than develop alternative perspectives, however, we would, in what follows, focus our study on one aspect of the life of the Muslim Umma. This is the problem of the dynamics underlying revolt, rebellion, social protest and revolution in early Islam; with reference to this aspect we would ask our basic questions. In a sense, the three questions could be resolved into one: to what extent, in what sense, and why, was Islam a factor in Muslim revolts during the first centuries? Two propositions would help treat this question, and in the course of the study, we would see if a third may also be legitimately articulated. They are as follows: first, it is possible that the disaffected Muslims in classical and medieval Islam may have tended to translate their mundane grievances into religous terms so that, for instance, the perceived threat to a particular dispensation, or the actual destruction of such a dispensation may have been interpreted as a threat to religion itself; and second, Islam may have been interpreted as the best form of propriety and justice so that those whofeltthemselves deprived considered it incumbent to fight for such justice, not necessarily because it would benefit them but because this was what Islam was, it being considered obligatory to strengthen, save, or reestablish Islam.

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