Foreign Political Movements in the United States

1937 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank C. Hanighen
Mortal Doubt ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 241-250
Author(s):  
Anthony W. Fontes

The final chapter traces the fates of several main characters in prison and on the street through the chaos of Guatemalan politics in recent years. It splices these narratives into a discussion of how reactionary political movements in the United States are drawing on the image of the Central American gang member (among a list of evil, barbarous “others”) to push anti-immigrant agendas in a moment of profound global uncertainty and unrest.


1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. 769-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce G. Charlton

Single issue political movements (such as feminism, anti-racism, Marxism, homosexual liberation, animal rights etc) have been a major characteristic of the post-1960s radical scene in the United States and Western Europe. While such movements typically start out doing a good job, it is my assertion that they have now reached the point of posing a serious threat to medicine at large, and to psychiatry in particular.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Slavojka Beštić-Bronza

The aim of this paper is to show to what extent and by what mechanisms the United States influenced the political formation of the personality and activities of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Special emphasis was placed on American influences during the implementation of Brandt's most famous political concept, 'Eastern Politics', which provides the chronological context of the development of relations in line with pan-European and world political movements and their correlation with Brandt's political path in exile and later in occupied Germany, and, finally, in the newly created independent Federal Republic of Germany. Circumstances, personal (dis)inclinations, and mutual influences gave birth to a rather ambivalent relationship, created mainly due to the interests of both parties, which overlapped in certain periods of time, while later they moved away and became cold, even often hostile.


2006 ◽  
Vol 05 (02) ◽  
pp. C01
Author(s):  
Telmo Pievani

The debate on Darwin’s theory of evolution is a unique case for observing some particular ways in which science is perceived and experienced in society. It is a dispute which is really not very scientific at all, since it ultimately derives from the attempt to discredit a corroborated scientific explanation (and to limit its teaching) by fundamentalist fringe groups of religious and political movements of various extraction. However, it is undeniable that the clash between creationists and evolutionists must also involve, in a critical and self-reflective way, the communicative weaknesses of science and its inability to assert itself as a widespread and fully shared culture, as was also stressed by the Nature magazine in April 2005. With an international viewpoint, ranging from the United States to Europe, from Australia to Italy, in this dossier we try to make a summary investigation of the current state of the debate, with a particularly attentive eye on the communicative strategies that contend in the two fields.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-302
Author(s):  
Sophie Bjork-James ◽  

This paper uses anti-LGBTQ bias within evangelical Christianity as a case study to explore how nationalist movements justify prejudicial positions through framing privileged groups as victims. Since Anita Bryant’s late 1970s crusade against what was dubbed the “homosexual agenda,” white evangelicals have led a national movement opposing LGBTQ rights in the United States. Through a commitment to ensuring sexual minorities are excluded from civil rights protections, white evangelicals have contributed to a cultural and legal landscape conducive to anti-LGBTQ structural violence. This opposition is most often understood as rooted in love, and not in bias or hate, as demonstrated during long-term ethnographic research among white evangelical churches in Colorado Springs. Engaging with theories of morality and nationalism, this article argues that most biased political movements understand their motivation as defending a moral order and not perpetuating bias. In this way they can justify structural violence against subordinated groups.


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