"Verb. Sap." on Going to West Africa, Northern Nigeria, Southern Nigeria, and to the Coasts

1913 ◽  
Vol 45 (10) ◽  
pp. 774
Author(s):  
Robert M. Brown ◽  
Alan Field
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
Southern Nigeria

Of Man and Cattle: A Reconsideration of the Traditions of Origin of Pastoral Fulani of Nigeria

1991 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. G. Adebayo
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Population Growth ◽  
Dominant Factor ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
Lake Chad ◽  
The People ◽  
Southern Nigeria

The fair-skinned people who inhabit the Sudan fringes of west Africa stretching from the Senegal valley to the shores of Lake Chad and who speak the language known as Fulfulde, are known by many names.1 They call themselves Fulbe (singular, Pullo). They are called Fulani by the Hausa of southern Nigeria, and this name has been used for them throughout Nigeria. The British call them Ful, Fulani, or Fula, while the French refer to them as Peul, Peulh, or Poulah. In Senegal the French also inadvertently call them Toucouleur or Tukulor. The Kanuri of northern Nigeria call them Fulata or Felata. In this paper we will adopt the Hausa (or Nigerian) name for the people—Fulani.Accurate censuses are not available on the Fulani in west Africa. A mid-twentieth century estimate puts the total number of Fulani at “over 4 million,” more than half of whom are said to inhabit Nigeria. Another estimate towards the end of 1989 puts the total number of Nigeria's Fulani (nomads only) at over ten million. If both estimates were correct, then the Fulani population in Nigeria alone must have grown 500 per cent in forty years. The dominant factor in this population growth is increased immigration of pastoralists into Nigeria in the wake of the 1968-73 Sahelian drought.

The Boko Haram Reader

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Cook
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
Islamic Theology ◽  
Long Line ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
The World

Since it erupted onto the world stage in 2009, people have asked, what is Boko Haram, and what does it stand for? Is there a coherent vision or set of beliefs behind it? Despite the growing literature about the group, few if any attempts have been made to answer these questions, even though Boko Haram is but the latest in a long line of millenarian Muslim reform groups to emerge in Northern Nigeria over the last two centuries. The Boko Haram Reader offers an unprecedented collection of essential texts, documents, videos, audio, and nashids (martial hymns), translated into English from Hausa, Arabic and Kanuri, tracing the group's origins, history, and evolution. Its editors, two Nigerian scholars, reveal how Boko Haram's leaders manipulate Islamic theology for the legitimization, radicalization, indoctrination and dissemination of their ideas across West Africa. Mandatory reading for anyone wishing to grasp the underpinnings of Boko Haram's insurgency, particularly how the group strives to delegitimize its rivals and establish its beliefs as a dominant strand of Islamic thought in West Africa's religious marketplace.

The evaluation of insecticides as soil and mound poisons against termites in agriculture and forestry in West Africa

1962 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. A. Sands
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Active Ingredient ◽  
Filter Paper ◽  
Tropical Soils ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
Dose Equivalent ◽  
Tap Root ◽  
Queen Cell ◽  
Pre Treatment ◽  
One Year

The termites most injurious to crops and trees in West Africa are subterranean or mound-building species of the Termitidae, mainly Macrotermitinae with some Amitermitinae and Nasutitermitinae. Insecticides for their control may be applied generally to the soil, locally around the plant or directly to the colony.In investigations in Northern Nigeria, dusts containing aldrin or dieldrin were mixed with the top six inches of soil of a type commonly cultivated (a slightly humic, brown, loamy sand), exposed to weathering in the field and tested for persistence of the insecticides by bioassay at intervals, using workers of Trinervitermes ebenerianus Sjöst., a locally common surface-foraging species. The concentration of the insecticide in the soil was measured in terms of the time in days taken for 50 per cent. of the insects to be killed (T50). After 33–34 months, between one-third and one-fifth of the insecticide remained in soil originally treated with 0·5, 2 and 5 lb. active ingredient (a.i.) per acre.T. ebenerianus proved very sensitive to dieldrin; the T50 value was 1·48–4·10 days for single samples, from each of five colonies, exposed to filter paper containing 0·0018 parts per million, as compared with 10–24 days for the controls. It is suggested that general soil treatments should be used with caution until more is known of their effects on termite populations, which are important in facilitating aeration, and penetration of water, in tropical soils.Application of dieldrin emulsion, at a dose equivalent to 1 lb. a.i. divided among the planting holes for one acre (1,225), during planting of one-year-old, root-pruned seedlings of Eucalyptus camalduensis, resulted in a mean survival after 2½ years of 60 per cent. of the young trees, as compared with 17 per cent. in untreated controls. Pot-grown seedlings of Eucalyptus spp. were similarly treated at 8 oz. a.i. dieldrin per 700 pots prior to setting out in the field, when they showed very low mortality due to termites over the next 1½ years, attack only occurring where too short a pot allowed access by Macrotermes natalensis (Hav.) to the tap root. Four hundred pot-grown cacao seedlings similarly treated with 4 oz. a.i. dieldrin showed only four deaths due to termites one year after planting out. Pre-treatment of potting soil for Eucalyptus seedlings at 5–10 oz. of 2 per cent, dieldrin dust per cubic yard (sufficient for 500 pots) has given promising preliminary results.Colonies of M. natalensis, which constructs large mounds, were successfully poisoned with 2½ fl. oz. of aldrin 40 per cent, emulsifiable concentrate in six gallons of water applied through three auger holes made into the central ‘ hive ’, containing the queen cell and associated chambers. It is considered that this dose could safely be reduced.

Rotgut and Revenue: Fiscal Aspects of the Liquor Trade in Southern Nigeria, 1890–1919

Itinerario ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayodeji Olukoju
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Colonial Policy ◽  
Southern Nigeria ◽  
The Subject

Once recommended by A.G. Hopkins as a ‘profitable subject of future research’, the European liquor trade in West Africa has since then received considerable attention from scholars. While Lynn Pan examined the region in a broad survey of the African liquor trade, other scholars have focused on more specific aspects of the topic. To be sure, much of the literature has concentrated on the ideological controversy between the defenders and opponents of the European liquor traffic. Other aspects of the subject, however, such as the significance of the liquor traffic in the Anglo-German commercial rivalry in West Africa liquor prohibition as colonial policy in largely-Muslim territories, and the fiscal importance of liquor – both spirits and beer – in the colonial and post-independence states, have been examined in various studies.

The ideological debate on Naijá and its use in education

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-323
Author(s):  
Maria Mazzoli
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
First Language ◽  
Lingua Franca ◽  
Ideological Debate ◽  
Southern Nigeria ◽  
Multiple Levels ◽  
English Colonies

Abstract Naijá (also known as Nigerian Pidgin) is an extended pidgin with millions of speakers in Nigeria, and it is also a creole since some communities use it as a first language (Faraclas 2013; Mazzoli 2017). It is a common lingua franca in former English colonies in West Africa and has potential for transnational use. Notwithstanding its importance at multiple levels, Naijá is not mentioned in language-related policies in Nigeria, and its use in education is limited and stigmatized. This is due to aggressive ideologies that identify Naijá as an inferior language, especially with respect to English in Nigeria. In this paper, based on fieldwork data collected in southern Nigeria, I outline positive and negative ideologies related to Naijá, and argue that innovative ideologies have emerged among Naijá native speakers, which constitute a base for elaborating endoglossic policies and introducing Naijá into the classroom.

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