Sizing up the Peace Dividend: Economic Growth and Military Spending in the United States, 1948–1996

1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 748-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. Ward ◽  
David R. Davis

We examine the relationship between military expenditures and economic growth in the United States from 1948 to 1990, in order to gauge the potential peace dividend. Our main results suggest that military spending is a significant drain on the economy. We then examine the implications of a restructured international system for U.S. military expenditures and their resultant impact on economic growth in the 1990s. Simulations of Democratic and Republican proposals for cuts in defense spending suggest increases in economic output of between 2.5% and 4.5% over the period 1993–96.

1990 ◽  
Vol 84 (4) ◽  
pp. 1283-1293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex Mintz ◽  
Chi Huang

Recent developments in Eastern Europe have created expectations of a “peace dividend” associated with reduced levels of U.S. defense expenditures. We present and empirically estimate a two-equation model for assessing the direct and indirect, immediate and delayed effects of changes in defense spending on economic growth in the United States.


2019 ◽  
pp. 317-334
Author(s):  
Chin-Hao Huang ◽  
David C. Kang

States interact in a multiplicity of domains, and most of them are not military in nature. Situating the security domain alongside economic and social domains of interaction among countries is important for creating a full analysis of a state’s priorities in a particular region, or with any particular other state. Failure to appreciate the nonmilitary dimensions of international relations in Asia in particular can lead one to misdiagnose the prospects of conflict and cooperation, potentially leading to tragic spirals. Data on East Asian defense spending over twenty-five years appears to present a puzzle: by many measures, East Asian military expenditures have declined significantly over the past quarter century. This finding appears starkly at odds with the conventional wisdom that Chinese bellicosity, its expenditure on anti-access/area-denial capabilities, and the United States’ reallocation of forces are increasing tensions in the region. Any policy of cross-domain deterrence that fails to appreciate interactions across the full multiplicity of domains of international intercourse risks courting deterrence failure.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 606-628
Author(s):  
Eleonora Gentilucci

The political economy of defense spending is enormously important given its magnitude and its global implication. Since the late 1990s, world and US military spending has being rising. This trend appears to be in sharp contrast to the long-term forecast about the so-called “peace dividend” formulated after the fall of the Berlin Wall. In order to explain this trend of military expenditures in the United States, the restructuring of the defense sector (in terms of concentration and financialization), the shift from a focus on “defense” to “security,” and the role and influence of “vested interests” in this process leading to the creation of the military-security system, are taken into consideration. The relation between social spending and military expenditures is also discussed.JEL Classification: H56, H5, B5, F52, L16


2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANTHONY PAYNE

United States–Caribbean relations over the period of the last thirty or forty years have rarely—if ever—been analysed in a thoroughly satisfying way. It is a strange omission in the international relations literature given the proximity of the United States to the Caribbean, and vice versa. But the fact is that most accounts of the relationship have fallen prey to a powerful, but ultimately misleading, mythology by which small, poor, weak, dependent entities in the Caribbean have either created trouble for, or alternatively been confronted by, the ‘colossus to the north’ that is the United States in whose ‘backyard’ they unfortunately have to reside. Virtually all analysts of the US–Caribbean relationship have thus drawn a picture marked at heart by the notion of an inherently unequal struggle between forces of a different order and scale. Within this broad metaphor the only major difference of interpretation has reflected the competing theories of power in the international system developed by the realist and structuralist schools.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Hall

What is the relationship between entrepreneurship, economic growth, and poverty? Women choose to become entrepreneurs or self-employed for different reasons in developed countries such as the United States and Sweden, with varying effects on poverty and economic growth. This paper explores the motivations behind entering the entrepreneurial space for women, differentiating between opportunity (taking actions to create a new venture following a perceived business opportunity despite other options to earn a living) and necessity (becoming involved in entrepreneurial activities due to a lack of other options to earn a living) motivations. It also highlights entrepreneurship's relationship with poverty and economic growth, while providing recommendations on how to encourage opportunity entrepreneurship and reduce poverty while discouraging necessity entrepreneurship.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuanning Liang ◽  
Ivan Rudik ◽  
Eric Yongchen Zou

Species extinctions and ecological degradation are accelerating to a degree unprecedented in human history. Despite such trends, causal evidence for economic drivers of biodiversity loss and effective policy responses remains sparse. Here we study the relationship between economic production and biodiversity using a novel panel dataset that contains detailed and consistently reported information on the types and quantities of wildlife at thousands of locations across the United States between 1960 and 2015. Our research design exploits well- understood sources of change to local economic output – including those induced by fiscal shocks and environmental regulations – to identify how local economic production affects biodiversity outcomes. We find that economic production re- duces the total abundance of wildlife, reduces the count of distinct species, and changes the composition of species in a local ecosystem even holding the number of species constant. Our findings point toward environmental degradation as a potential culprit in the decline of biodiversity. We show that the adverse effect of economic production is mitigated by conservation, and by advances in emission abatement technologies that were spurred by stricter pollution regulations.


Author(s):  
Roy van der Weide ◽  
Ambar Narayan

The United States and China are the world’s largest economies. Together they are responsible for about one-third of the world’s economic output. This chapter aims to examine whether the two economic giants are also lands of opportunity where resources are allocated in a way that minimizes unrealized human potential. Our analysis shows that despite stark differences in their levels of development, the US and China report remarkably similar levels of socioeconomic mobility—levels considered low by international standards. The US’s level of mobility has historically been low. Before it embarked on its transition from planned to market economy, socioeconomic mobility was relatively high in China. However, as it underwent a period of rapid economic growth, China’s socioeconomic mobility declined significantly. The chapter concludes that the world’s two major economic powers have converged to a low level of socioeconomic mobility where talent from disadvantaged backgrounds is excluded.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316802110496
Author(s):  
Matthew Hauenstein ◽  
Matthew Smith ◽  
Mark Souva

A number of studies find that democracies spend less on their military than non-democracies. Yet there are well known counter-examples, including but not limited to the United States and Israel. We contend that these counter-examples are part of a larger pattern. The relationship between regime type and military spending is conditional on external threat. Among countries that do not perceive a significant external threat to their interests, democracies allocate considerably less to the military than non-democracies. However, democracies with a significant external threat do not allocate less to the military than non-democracies. The reason prior research consistently finds that democracies, on average, spend less on the military, even while controlling for external threat, is that democracies are much less likely to have a high external threat. For example, autocracies are nearly twice as likely as democracies to have a significant external threat in our sample. An empirical analysis of military spending from 1952–2000 is consistent with these expectations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 146-166
Author(s):  
Philip Martin

US researchers have reached more consensus on the number and characteristics of migrants than on their socio-economic impacts, especially with regard to unauthorized migrants. When there is consensus among social scientists on some aspect of migration, such as the additional economic output due to the presence of migrants, this consensus result suggests very different policies for advocates. For example, the finding that the US economy may have been up to $10 billion larger in the 1990s due to migrants was touted by advocates of more migrants as proof of their benefits, and criticized by those favouring less migration as the equivalent of two weeks economic growth. President Trump is an example of a policy-maker selectively using migration research to justify restrictionist policies.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document