The Demography of the Congressional Vote on Foreign Aid, 1939–1958

1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 577-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leroy N. Rieselbach

Recent applications of more elaborate quantitative methods (e.g., bloc cluster analysis and Guttman scale procedures) to legislative politics have sharply improved the ability of political scientists to specify significant dimensions of voting behavior. Party affiliation, constituency characteristics and cohesion within state delegations have been correlated with the congressional vote in a number of subject matter areas. Because of the masses of data to be handled, however, even the best of these studies have been limited in scope to a single year or to one Congress. This restriction has not prevented the authors of these works from demonstrating clearly the utility of their methodology, but it has limited correspondingly either the generality or the reliability of their conclusions. The present study, limited to the single issue of congressional voting on foreign aid, is an attempt to discover, by the application of quantitative methods to votes over longer time periods, how far the relationships previously suggested persist over time or are peculiar to the individual sessions in which they occur.

1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles F. Cnudde ◽  
Donald J. McCrone

Warren E. Miller and Donald E. Stokes' publication in 1963 of a preliminary report on the Survey Research Center's representation study is an important landmark in the development of empirical political theory. That report addressed itself to the crucial theoretical question of the linkage between mass political opinions and governmental policy-making. More specifically, the report found considerable policy agreement between Congressional roll call votes and the attitudes of the individual Congressman's constituency. This policy agreement was then interpreted through several causal paths and the Congressman's perception of his constituency's attitudes was found to be the main path by which the local district ultimately influenced Congressional outputs.The main body of the report dealt with the broad civil rights issue dimension, and, by specifying the perceptual path by which constituency influence is brought to bear, documented the effect of political issues despite the generally low level of political information held at the mass level. Thus, the Congressmen, through their broad cognitive evaluations, were aware of how far they could proceed in determining their civil rights roll call votes on the basis of their own attitudes before risking the displeasure of their constituents.Beyond such major substantive contributions the representation study introduced to political science a variance-apportioning technique similar to that developed by Sewall Wright, in 1921. Through this variance-apportioning technique, the importance of the perceptual link was isolated and evaluated. This study, then, symbolizes the growing recognition in political science of the importance of more sophisticated methodological tools in the process of theory building.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 1106-1119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Shapiro

In recent years the welter of data accumulated on American voting behavior has been continually reanalyzed by social scientists interested in building theories of electoral choice. Most of the original data-gathering enterprises were guided by general theoretical frameworks which, for the most part, were not developed to a point where the ensuing analyses addressed themselves unambiguously to the overall conceptions by which they were guided. As a result much of our knowledge about voting behavior is in the form of generalizations about what social and psychological variables account for voting choices while we lack conceptual frameworks which systematically interrelate these generalizations and provide comprehensive and parsimonious explanation. If any one unifying conception has emerged from the original large scale studies it is that the average voter is irrational. This inference has been derived from a variety of empirical relationships coupled with varying conceptions of rationality.The more recent reanalyses of these data sets have been characterized by a theoretical sophistication that was lacking heretofore. One of these, a theory of the calculus of voting, has applied some formal rigor to the question of the rationality of the decision to vote, selected empirical equivalents of theoretical entities from survey data on national elections, and conducted a successful test of the theory. Unlike traditional approaches to the rationality question which infer the degree of rationality from quantities of information possessed or from correlates of decisions (background, party affiliation, group memberships, etc.), this investigation conceived of rationality in terms of the kind of calculus employed by the individual in deciding among alternatives (in this case whether or not to vote).


1956 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1023-1045 ◽  
Author(s):  
David B. Truman

Recent controversies over the degree of responsibility displayed by American parties have underscored at least one feature of voting in the Congress. Whatever the merits of the contending interpretations and demands, the facts adduced on both sides suggest relatively fluid, unstructured voting patterns, especially in the House of Representatives. Although the party label is clearly the single most reliable indicator of congressional voting behavior, it is admittedly somewhat less than perfect. The individual Representative may fairly often dissent from the views of most of his party colleagues, not only on matters of local or minor significance but also on issues of national or even global import.The Representative's “independence” is most commonly, and in a good many instances accurately, ascribed to peculiarities of his constituency which generate demands for a non-conforming vote or, perhaps more frequently, are expected to be the source of recriminations and penalities if he does not display independence of his party colleagues on certain types of issues. But the Member of Congress is by no means always able to predict the electoral consequences of his choices even though he is sure that they may produce repercussions in his district.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 471-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Dean Burnham ◽  
John Sprague

Of all the fields of political science where quantitative methods have been developed over the past generation, probably the one where scholarly understanding has been most enriched has been that of mass voting behavior. But while we know vastly more about this behavior on the individual and aggregate level than we did a quarter-century ago, there are still large territories on the map which are blank, or in which exploration has only very recently begun. There remain a number of doubtful areas in which issues of methodology and of substantive interpretation are still very much open to systematic inquiry.One such area is that associated with the interrelation of socio-economic correlates of the vote. That is, there is a real question as to whether such independent or predisposing variables should be conceptualized as making mutually independent or, alternatively, interdependent contributions to the prediction of voting patterns. The normal practice in research involving multiple correlation of aggregate voting behavior with a set of independent variables has been to assume implicitly that the relationship of these variables is additive (i.e., non-interactive) and that the appropriate theoretical representation is of the general form y = b + m1x1 + m2x2 … + mnxn. Such an assumption seems plausible so far as individual voting for American major parties and their candidates is concerned. Thus, for example, the authors of the MIT 1960 simulation study found strong evidence that predispositional factors summate, i.e., are indeed additive in character.


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Sebastian Szyjka

This essay offers several insights regarding the principles of qualitative and quantitative methods, defining how they shape the empirical process as well as knowledge acquisition in social science research. A comprehensive discussion includes comparing the assumptions and techniques of each paradigm, as well as a description of their respective strengths and weaknesses in research. These paradigms are examined in terms of past trends in science education research, indicating that over the last several decades a shift in approach from the quantitative to qualitative has occurred. The central thesis of the essay contends that methodological decisions should be based in pragmatism, rather than a pre-existent set of philosophies or beliefs irrespective of context. Implications for research are discussed in terms of the findings of several science education content analysis studies, conveying that research methods often coincide with the collective interest of the masses, policy, educational reform or program developments. Key words: paradigm decisions, qualitative research, quantitative research, science education, trends.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 819-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Efe Tokdemir

Foreign aid is a policy tool implemented with the purpose of fostering both hard and soft power abroad. Yet, previous research has not probed the effects of US foreign aid on public attitudes toward the US in the recipient countries. In this article, I argue that US foreign aid may actually feed anti-Americanism: aid indirectly creates winners and losers in the recipient countries, such that politically discontented people may blame the US for the survival of the prevailing regime. Drawing on Pew Research for Global Attitudes and on USAID Greenbook datasets, I focus on determining both the conditions under which foreign aid exacerbates anti-Americanism and the type of aid most likely to do this. The findings reveal that political losers of the recipient countries are more likely to express negative attitudes toward the USA as the amount of US aid increases, whereas political winners enjoy the results of US aid and view the USA positively accordingly. Moreover, the effect of US aid on attitudes toward the USA is also conditional on the regime type. While US aid increases the likelihood of anti-American attitudes among the losers in non-democratic countries, it decreases the likelihood of anti-Americanism among the losers in democratic ones. This article has important implications for policy in terms of determining how and to whom to provide aid in the context of the possible ramifications of providing aid at the individual level.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (108) ◽  
pp. 188-217
Author(s):  
Ulrik Schmidt

Keaton and the Masses:This article explores conflicts between individual and mass and the process of massification (i.e. the becoming and unfolding of masses) as comic potential in Buster Keaton’s physical comedies. This comic potential is basically characterized by a formalized and aestheticized reduction of human individuality when confronted with objective, non-human matter. De-individualization plays an important role in modern comedy in general. With his intense focus on massification, though, Keaton is not only one of the first, but also one of the most dedicated investigators of comic de-individualization by purely physical means.The first part of the article considers the complex relations in Keaton between gag and narrative with specific regard to the conflict between the individual and the masses. Furthermore, the basic compositional elements in Keaton’s cinematographic staging of individual-mass conflicts are explored, including deactivation and isolation of the individual in relation to his immediate surroundings.Subsequently, the different forms of massification in Keaton are examined more closely with reference to variation in their comic potential. Here, Keaton’s masses are grouped into three basic forms: In the solid mass—typically materialized in heavy objects and hard surfaces—the comic potential is due to its ability to violently tumble or jam the pacified individual into de-subjectified body mass. In the fluid mass, the comic potential is basically found in the unmanageable character of the soft, formless and constantly transforming phenomenon. In pure accumulation, Keaton focuses on the comic potential of the very formation of masses as a process of accumulation (i.e., the repetitive addition of discrete, more or less identical elements). Here, Keaton’s interest lies above all in the formation of human masses (crowds).The last section considers Keaton’s cinematographic distribution of individual gags on the global scale of the entire film. Here, it is analyzed how Keaton incessantly glues the individual gags together into one large and seamlessly continuous gag. It is thus concluded that not only is each individual gag characterized by massification, but the way the different gags are interrelated throughout Keaton’s films also has a profound mass character.


The purpose of this study was to analyze the effect of brand personality of Jokowi and social media to voting behaviour of Indonesia president 2014. The methods of this research conducted with quantitative methods. This research uses quantitative method. In this study also built on a review of the theory and results of previous studies. The population of this study are students faculty of social science and political science at Riau Kepulauan university force 2011-2015 users of social media twitter and facebook. Based on sample drawing technique Krejcie and Morgan obtained sample of 165 samples and the scale used is likert. Hypothesis testing is done by using multiple regression with the help of computer software SPSS 19.0. This study looks at the influence of five dimensions of Jokowi brand personality, sincerity, excitement, competence, sophistication, and ruggednes. Furthermore, this study also aims to identify the influence of social media twitter and facebook, and three dimensions of voting behavior that is sociological, psychological, and rational choice. The results of this study show the brand personality Jokowi in general categorized well with the dimension of brand personality the highest score is sincerity. Student voter behavior is generally categorized well with the rational choice dimension that has the highest score. Brand personality has a positive influence on voter behavior. Social media contribute significantly to voting behavior. In other words brand personality and social media together give influence to PP equal to 23.1% while the rest 63.9% voting behavior influenced by other factor which not discussed in this research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anas Abudaqa ◽  
Seena Al Nuaimi ◽  
Hayfa Buhazzaa ◽  
Sumaya Al Hosani

Abstract Objective Scope: ADNOC group of companies introduced the Fursa platform which is an internal online website where HR acquisition partners among the 13 companies can post vacancies and employees from any of the 13 companies can apply to those vacancies. The aim of this initiative is to move ADNOC's employees internally to reskill, fill department gaps, and cross-collaborate to get a project done or hit an organizational goal with minimizing hiring cost and accelerate recruitment process. This study considers the above stated program as an explanatory factor to determine the individual's as well as organizational outcomes in ADNOC group of companies. Methods, Procedure, Process: To address the study objectives, qualitative and quantitative methods are adopted. More specifically, for quantitative approach, structural questionnaire was developed through adopting different items from the literature. Whereas qualitative analysis are conducted while using the information from structured interviews. Results, Observations, Conclusions: The study findings indicates that both individual and organizational outcomes are positively and significantly determined by internal mobility program. Similarly, analyses through qualitative approach confirms that internal mobility program helps to provide learning and development of the employees, productivity and performance in terms of individual outcomes, and sales and growth to reflect the concept of organizational outcomes. It is stated current program Enabled employees to find their next position, project, or mentor internally, and maximized ADNOC workforce potential and unlock the capacity to meet the corporate objectives. Other interesting outcomes are It takes less time and money to source (and saves money on relocation costs and as known during pandemic situation there is a restriction on international movement between countries); it enables faster onboarding and ramping up. Additionally, during internal mobility the company is confident that the candidate shares your mission and vision, and It also implies that you are aware of a candidate's most recent performance. Novel/Additive information: the study is unique in the sense that it is done in one of the giant oil and gas companies which employees working in different aspects of the business; upstream, downstream, and mid-stream. The study introduces modern ways of work in a speedy, natural manner, and the use of MS Teams to do virtual interviews. Fursa platform allows companies to act quickly. It only takes a few seconds to determine where talent should be directed, and a few more seconds to deploy it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
pp. 91-97
Author(s):  
Yury V. Lebedev ◽  

The article reveals the deep connections of the “people’s thought” and Tolstoy’s philosophy of history in “War and Peace” with the theological and literary-critical works of A.S. Khomyakova. The author of the work analyzes the dispute between Tolstoy and the cult of an outstanding personality, with the Hegelian understanding of his role in the historical process. Tolstoy is alien to the Hegelian rise of “great personalities” over the masses, the Hegelian liberation of the “genius” from moral control and evaluation. Tolstoy believes that it is not an exceptional personality, but the life of the people that turns out to be the most sensitive organism, catching the will of Providence, intuitively sensing the hidden meaning of the historical movement. Anticipating Tolstoy, Khomyakov sharply criticizes the cult of personality in the church hierarchy, the Catholic dogma of papal infallibility, of the unconditional authority of an individual in matters of conscience and faith. Khomyakov reveals deep religious roots that feed the centuries-old Western enmity towards Russia. The article proves that Tolstoy is close to Khomyakov’s idea that Divine Providence overshadows with its grace only the believing people, united into a single organism by Christian love, that the epic basis of “War and Peace” is anticipated in Khomyakov’s literary-critical works “Glinka’s Opera ‘Life for Tsar’”, “On the Possibility of the Russian Art School”, “Ivanov’s Painting. Letter to the editor of ‘Russian Beseda’”. The article proves that “War and Peace” overcomes the conflict between the individual and society, the hero and the people, and reveals the epic horizons lost in the Western European novel.


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