The Viet Nam Constitution of 1956

1958 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 437-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. A. C. Grant

When the forces of the French Union and those of the Viet Minh accepted a cease-fire at Geneva in July, 1954, the 17th Parallel was visioned only as a temporary military demarcation line. Nation-wide elections were to be held within two years to settle the political future of the country; and it was generally taken for granted that the entire area, from the Gate of Nam-Quan on the China border to the Point of Ca-Mau at the tip of the Indo-China peninsula, an area roughly equivalent in size to that of the States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and West Virginia combined, with a population approximating 23 millions, would fall to Ho Chi Minh and his Communists. The device of a delayed election was accepted merely as a face-saving measure to enable the French to withdraw gracefully from the scene by handing over control of the South—and hence responsibility for its future—to a native government.That the 17th Parallel has become, instead, a political boundary separating the Republic of Viet Nam, embracing roughly the southern 40 per cent of the area and nearly half of the population, from the Communist “Democratic Republic of Viet Nam,” has been largely the work of a single man, Ngo Dinh Diem, and his closely knit group of assistants.

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Brothers

The rise of neo-Nazism in the capital of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) was not inspired by a desire to recreate Hitler's Reich, but by youthful rebellion against the political and social culture of the GDR's Communist regime. This is detailed in Fuehrer-Ex: Memoirs of a Former Neo-Naxi by Ingo Hasselbach with Tom Reiss (Random House, New York, 1996). This movement, however, eventually worked towards returning Germany to its former 'glory' under the Third Reich under the guidance of 'professional' Nazis.


1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Alfred Mudge

The oratory of the General Assembly and the Security Council and the resolutions adopted by these organs are the most obvious activities of the United Nations in the field of human rights and the features usually studied. They alone, however, give little indication of the effectiveness and the effects of the UN's actions. To investigate this one needs to go beyond New York to the national capitals. How do governments whose policies are severely criticized in the UN respond? On one level the questions can be simply answered. The alternatives are reasonably clear. They include token and substantive compliance, indifference, and defiance. But how is one alternative chosen over the others and does what goes on in New York have any impact on the political dynamics within the national framework? This article is an attempt to investigate a limited aspect of this question. It is an analysis of both the reactions within the parliaments of Rhodesia and the Republic of South Africa to UN actions concerning these territories and the possible importance of these reactions in parliamentary elections.


1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (54) ◽  
pp. 477-478 ◽  

As the International Review mentioned in its previous number, the International Committee of the Red Cross addressed an appeal to the Governments of the Republic of Viet Nam, of the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and of the United States of America. This appeal was also sent to the National Front of Liberation. The ICRC reminded these authorities that they are bound by the provisions of the Geneva Conventions giving protection to military personnel placed “hors de combat” and persons not taking part in hostilities.


1976 ◽  
Vol 16 (189) ◽  
pp. 623-623

In a letter of 4 July to the Swiss Federal Council, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam stated that, with the same reservations as the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam and the Republic of South Viet Nam, his country would continue to participate in the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 for the protection of war victims.


Author(s):  
Kolja Möller

This article reconstructs Austro-Marxist Otto Bauer’s theoretical reflections on the democratic republic. It demonstrates how Bauer proceeds from the irreducible conflict around the exercise of rule as his point of departure, but also pays due attention to the impact existing legal and political forms have on scopes of articulation for antagonistic conflict. He elaborates a cycle of three stages through which the democratic republic passes: proletarian democracy, the people’s republic, and an innovative conceptualization of the dictatorship of the proletariat as a backdrop for the stabilization and defence of democratic institutions. Bauer’s reflections refine central concepts of political Marxism* and relate them to democratic theory. Drawing loosely on Polybius’ cycle of constitutions, Bauer can be viewed as a ‘Red Polybius’. He soberly analyses the different stages of the republic and reveals how they are connected to one another. Ultimately, this article demonstrates that Bauer’s work provides ample resources for theorizing the mutual interrelations and interrelatedness of social conflict and political form.* ‘Political Marxism’ in this sense does not refer to the theoretical current within the Anglophone world, but rather to a Marxism that is political, i.e. that views the production of theory as a means to an end, namely the political transformation of society as a whole. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Alexandra Carleton

Constitutionalism may be gaining ascendancy in many countries in Africa. Yet thorough investigation of the extent to which current constitutions accord to the people their internationally recognised right to governance of their mineral wealth under Article 1(2) of the ICCPR has been lacking. Understanding the existing framework of rights which may support claims to land and natural resources is important. Constitutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zambia demonstrate the reality of multiple, overlapping land interests and the limitations upon a people's claim to freely govern their mineral wealth.


Author(s):  
Nguyen Manh Hung

Trong khoảng 10 - 15 năm gần đây, ở Việt Nam đã nổi lên luận điểm rằng: cải cách thể chế kinh tế ngày càng đóng vai trò quan trọng hơn trong tiến trình đổi mới. Khi các nguồn lực như tài nguyên thiên nhiên, lao động giá rẻ và vốn...đã đến giới hạn thì cải cách thể chế trở thành đòi hỏi tất yếu đối với nền kinh tế. Tuy nhiên, đây cũng là thử thách khó khăn của quá trình phát triển. Trên thế giới, nhiều quốc gia chỉ đạt được một phần mục tiêu của cải cách, thậm chí ở một số quốc gia nỗ lực cải cách thể chế lại đẩy nền kinh tế vào những bất ổn không ngừng.  Tiến trình cải cách thể chế kinh tế sẽ khó thể thành công nếu không đi kèm với nỗ lực thiết lập một nền tảng quản trị quốc gia vững mạnh. Từ khóa Quản trị, thể chế, kinh tế thị trường, cải cách References [1] Acemoglu, Daron and James Robinson (2012). Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. Random House[2] Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson (2001), “The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation” The American Economic Review Vol. 91, No. 5 (Dec., 2001)[3] Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson and James Robinson (2005). “Institutions as Fundamental Cause of Long run Growth”, Handbook ofEconomic Growth, Volume IA. Edited by Philippe Aghion and Steven N. Durlauf. 2005 Elsevier B.V[4] Asian Development Bank (1995). Governance: Sound Development Management, October 1995;[5] Diễn đàn kinh tế tư nhân Việt Nam 2016: Cơ hội, thách thức và giải pháp. Hà nội,[6] Heritage Foundation (2017). 2017 Index of Economic Freedom,[7] [http://www.heritage.org/index/ranking][8] International Development Association (1998). Additions to IDA Resources: Twelfth Replenishment (IDA12). 23 December 1998; [9] Kasper, Wolfgang and Manfred E Streit (1999). Institutional Economics: Social Order and Public Policy, Edward Elgar. Tr. 41[10] Kaufmann, Daniel; Aart Kraay, Massimo Mastruzzi (2010), The Worldwide Governance Indicators Methodology and Analytical Issues, the World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 5430, September 2010[11] Nguyễn Quang Thuấn (2017). “Cải thiện nền quản trị quốc gia, tạo môi trường thuận lợi thúc đẩy tăng trưởng kinh tế trong giai đoạn tới”, tham luận tại Diễn đàn Kinh tế Việt Nam 2017: Phát huy nội lực, tăng trưởng bền vững, Ban kinh tế trung ương ngày 27/06/2017[12] North, D.C. (1990), Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance, Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press.[13] Osborne, S. P. (2006), “The New Public Governance?” Public Management Review, vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 377-388.[14] UNDP (1997). “Governance for Sustainable Human Development” New York; WB (1994). Governance: The World Bank’s Experience. Washington DC; [15] VCCI & USAID (2015). Báo cáo năng lực cạnh tranh cấp tỉnh năm 2015. Hà Nội: Phòng Thương mại và Công nghiệp Việt Nam và Cơ quan Phát triển Quốc tế Hoa Kỳ [16] Wolfensohn, James D. (1999), Address to the Board of Governors (September 28, 1999), the World Bank[17] WB (1992). World Development Report: Governance and Development, Washington DC. [18] WB (1989). Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth, Washington DC[19] WB (2016). Ease of Doing Business 2016. Washington DC [20] http://www.doingbusiness.org/data/exploreeconomies/vietnam[21] WB (1997). World Development Report 1997. Washington DC. [22] WB (2017). Worldwide Governance Indicator, [23] http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#reports[24] World Economic Forum (2016). Global Competitiveness Report 2016-2017, Geneva.


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