IV. Party Government and Employment Policy

1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 1147-1157 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. E. Schattschneider

The prediction that full employment will have a great political future is based on the fact that economic policies of this kind reach large segments of the public not previously accustomed to political action or only recently made aware of the potentialities of politics. Only the war itself has served to remind these relatively non-political people as urgently of the new importance of the government to every one as they are likely to be reminded by the establishment of the principle that public authority and public resources ought to be used to promote or produce sixty million jobs. What people do about the government depends on what they think the government is able to do. Therefore, the idea that the government is now able to protect people against the most dreaded of the manifestations of economic instability is almost certain to have a great impact on the political behavior of millions of people, many of whom have never before been drawn into the orbit of politics.Moreover, unless the millenium is here, it seems probable that a prolonged and disturbing controversy over employment policies is in the making. In fact, a major political conflict over these policies can probably be avoided only by the abandonment of the whole project, i.e., by conceding the argument that full employment is none of the business of the government. The friends of the new policies are, therefore, in the position of having to pray for stormy weather.

Significance The non-party government of former EU Commissioner Dacian Ciolos took office on November 17 after the Ponta government stood down. Much of the previous administration's budget projections have been carried over, but the new draft also raises spending on investment, education and health, widening the projected deficit to 2.95% of 2016 GDP from 1.8% in 2015. Impacts PSD could insist on the budget including a rise in the minimum wage, but the government wants to assess its impact first. Parliamentary parties back the government publicly, but are manoeuvring for advantage with an eye to elections in late 2016. Key economic policies include infrastructure investment, improved administrative standards and tax collection, and absorption of EU funds.


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (6) ◽  
pp. 1137-1147
Author(s):  
W. Hardy Wickwar

The United Kingdom has gone considerably farther than the United States in the acceptance of full employment as one of the prime aims of government policy. There is a widespread feeling that it may also have gone farther in devising governmental machinery for the realization of this aim. On both counts—the end and the means—the present trend in the United Kingdom merits attention in the United States and other countries.Official endorsement of full employment as a proper end for governmental policy dates back to 1944. The much-quoted white paper on Employment Policy was presented to Parliament by Lord Woolton, Minister of Reconstruction in the Churchill coalition, a few days before D-day. It began with the unequivocal statement: “The Government accept as one of their primary aims and responsibilities the maintenance of a high and stable level of employment after the war.” Shortly afterwards, at the conclusion of a three-day debate, the House of Commons passed a resolution moved by Laborite Ernest Bevin, then Minister of Labor and National Service, and supported on the side of the Conservatives by Sir John Anderson as Chancellor of the Exchequer: “That this House … welcomes the declaration of His Majesty's Government….” At no time later has this basic commitment been placed in doubt.Acceptance of full employment in business circles might be illustrated by a number of authoritative pronouncements made in the middle of the war. These include a pamphlet entitled The Problem of Unemployment, issued by Lever Brothers and Unilever Limited at the beginning of 1943. Here it was clearly argued that irregularity of capital investment was the principal cause of unemployment; that the profit motive had proved an insufficient guide in the extension of productive capacity; and that it was the task of government to regularize the incentive to investment by the use of indirect controls.


Author(s):  
Meilanny Budiarti Santoso ◽  
Moch Zainudiin ◽  
Dessy Hasanah Siti Asiah

ABSTRAKPandemi Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) masih menjadi ancaman bagi masyarakat dunia termasuk Indonesia. Peningkatan kasus belum memperlihatkan adanya penurunan angka penyebaran virus. Pemerintah dalam menanggapi krisis kesehatan telah melakukan beberapa kebijakan untuk menekan penyebaran infeksi COVID-19. Adaptasi Kebiasaan Baru (AKB) menjadi salah satu kebijakan baru yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah dalam merespon situasi pandemi. AKB bertujuan agar masyarakat dapat melaksanakan protokol kesehatan ketika terpaksa beraktivitas di luar rumah dalam masa pandemi COVID-19. Upaya preventif dan promosi ini harus disebarluaskan kepada setiap masyarakat agar semakin banyak masyarakat menjalankan protokol kesehatan. Kegiatan sosialisasi secara daring melalui media sosial menjadi metode yang ditempuh dalam kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat di masa pandemi COVID-19. Tingginya intensitas penggunaan media sosial menjadi media paling efektif dalam penyebaran edukasi mengenai AKB. ABSTRACTPandemic Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) is still a threat to the global community, including Indonesia. The increase in cases has not shown a decrease in the spread of the virus. The government in response to the health crisis has implemented several policies to reduce the spread of COVID-19 infection. Adaptasi Kebiasaan Baru (AKB) or adapting to new habits is one of the new policies issued by the government as a response in a pandemic situation. The AKB aims for the public to implement health protocols when they have to do activities outside the home during the COVID-19 pandemic. These preventive and promotional moves should be disseminated to every community so there would be more people who can implement health protocols. Social media is one of the most effective platforms used for this community service program during the COVID-19 pandemic. The high amount of people using social media during this time is the most effective media in disseminating education about AKB.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 655-658
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Akanpaadgi ◽  

This research paper sought to review the way and manner the conversion of polytechnics in Ghana to technical universities were done to ascertain whether the process conformed to standard best practice. The inequality in terms of placement of polytechnic graduates in the public sector as compared to the traditional university graduates, lack of direct academic progression for polytechnic graduates with Higher National Diploma, low enrollment and the departure of experienced staff from the polytechnics to the traditional universities due to poor conditions of service leaving the polytechnics with less staff compelled the government to initiate the reform. Institutional reform has been a long-standing practice in the educational sector; however, the implementation of new policies remains a challenge to many public institutions in Ghana. The one-size-fits-all approach to managing change must give way to a multi-faceted approach that takes into consideration the diversity of the various stakeholders affected by the change. The adoption of an appropriate change model and proper engagement of stakeholders as well as handling the transition as a project rather than treating it like the usual work of the ministry of education would have eased the tension and agitations which characterized the conversion process. Despite the conversion period spanning almost four years, the stakeholders are yet to reap the full benefits of the reform.


JENTRE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Subhan Sofhian

In today, corruption is not an alien thing in society, it is even an inseparable part of life in its various forms. Corruption is often done whether we realize it or not and it is done individually or in groups.Conceptually, corruption is not an action that is only carried out by the government, but can also be carried out by all groups and strata of society, both consciously and unconsciously.In the most common cases, the corruption known to the public is corruption committed by public officials. This is in line with the loss of state money which is represented as public money, causing losses to the survival of the community.Historically, corruption occurred since the interests of individuals and groups exist in an organization. These interests bring new policies in the midst of existing programs and activities, giving rise to motivation to enrich one particular party even massively, coordinatively and periodically.This study limits the explanation of corruption in the three eras or orders known especially in Indonesia, namely the orde lama, order baru and orde reformasi. The characteristics and characteristics of each order carry different motivations and forms in the context of violations of the criminal act of corruption. This study was conducted using the on-desk literacy study method. This means that this study is based on printed and electronic data and information in the form of academic texts, journals, books and / or supporting scientific studies.


1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4II) ◽  
pp. 943-950
Author(s):  
J. S. Ryan

The "What" of what I want to say today is already pretty clear from the title of my paper. However, I should explain to you the "Why" of the paper: why in the fIrst place I want to bring to your attention the fact that price controls do not reduce inflation. We probably all agree that Pakistan has more inflation than it needs and we share the popular desire to lower inflation or at least to keep it from rising. Unfortunately, fear of inflation seems to dominate Pakistan's discussion of many economic policies that have little to do with inflation or the cost of living. For example, both the public debate and the political debate over what prices the government should set for its agencies' sales of wheat and fuels is dominated by a widespread belief that raising these prices, or using a flexible market -determined pricing policy, would be inflationary. Tax reforms and export development are also constrained in Pakistan by the popular fear that they would be inflationary. In my view, none of these fears of inflation is justifIed. However, false fears of inflation exist, and the longer we let them distort policy, the more we delay many of the important steps Pakistan needs to take to increase both the national rate of private investment and the level of government spending on social programmes for the worst -off groups in the population. In this paper, I will very briefly explain why some of these widespread fears of inflation are unfounded. I will also suggest some non-technical arguments that economists can use, not in scholarly debate, but in the popular and political debate over economic policy to bring home some of these points.


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bram Wauters

As a reaction to the erosion of political parties, citizens increasingly engage in participation independently from parties (such as boycotts, petitions and street demonstrations). Looking beyond the often-stated contradiction between party membership and these forms of non-institutionalized participation, we tried to determine whether party members participate in non-institutionalized participation as a complement or an alternative to their party membership activities. Based on the relative deprivation and civic voluntarism model, three party variables were selected: activity rate in the party, government status and ideological orientation of the party. The results of our analysis conducted on party members in 22 European countries show that the government status and the ideological position of a party have the largest effects on the propensity to participate in direct action. Activity rate does not have a significant effect, except a positive one for street demonstrations. In sum, direct action is not an alternative for dissatisfied party members, but rather a complement.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 128-168
Author(s):  
Don Hanna

The administrations in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand have all put in place economic policies designed to increase growth, reduce poverty, and improve governance. In Thailand, the government is taking a more activist role, a change from the previous, more hands-off approach. In both Indonesia and Malaysia, new policies reduce the activist role of the state, creating greater predictability and transparency. Better governance remains a key to growth, with many reforms within governments' reach. While many of the policies focus on the medium term, there is an acceptance of the need for prudent short-term management. The open question is whether progress on structural changes can persist when the short-term macroeconomic picture becomes more challenging.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ferihan Polat ◽  
Ozlem Ozdesim Subay

Gezi Park Protests leaving its mark in the June of 2015, is understood from so many perspectives by national and international academicians. On the one hand, some social scientists recognize this movement as apolitical action by analyzing the identity of activist, on the other hand, some of them claims that this movement is a political one by pointing out that the aim of the movement is against the Ak Party Government especially Erdoğan himself. This study aiming to understand Gezi Park Protests puts forward that having apolitical identity of activists is not enough to recognize the movement as apolitical one and also claiming that having political action cannot be explained by the idea that the movement is just against the Ak Party Government. This study justifying that this movement cannot be explained by the idea of domestic political conflict and separation as Turkey is a part of global capitalist order, focuses on dimensions of crossing national borders. Beyond the evaluation of Gezi Park Protests as an international conspiracy, interpretation of this movement as a part of the growing public protests against the system on a global scale is a more plausible perspective to understand the multidimensional social reality.


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