Emerging Problems in Public Administration

1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-231
Author(s):  
Henry A. Wallace

Thoughtful men cannot long be associated with government without beginning to ask questions, both as to the technique of administration and the underlying policies with which these techniques must reckon. It is good, therefore, that those in the government service who are most interested in public administration should meet from time to time with the professors and publicists who also are interested. I wish to do my part, therefore, in helping in the baptismal ceremonies for this new society which has in it so much promise. To the non-governmental members of the society I wish to pass on the observation which my father made when he came as Secretary of Agriculture to Washington in 1921. Leaving Iowa, he shared to some extent the widespread public opinion that government servants are both clock-watchers and chair-warmers. Within a few months he had completely changed his ideas and told me that he would like to bring some government men back with him into business because they were so exceedingly clear-thinking and efficient.While we in the United States have not as yet so completely recognized public service as a career as they have in England or France, and while there is undoubtedly great room for improvement, I am nevertheless convinced that nowhere in the world will you find a better group of earnest, hard-working, efficient men and women than those who are engaged in American public service, whether it be on the local or the national level. Of course, by taking thought they can improve their service, and that, I take it, is the object of this organization.

1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (5) ◽  
pp. 899-921 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marshall E. Dimock

The government corporation has become a familiar device of public administration all over the world; and yet in some countries, and especially in the United States, uncertainty as to its distinctive purpose and underlying principles seems to grow, rather than to diminish, as the public corporation becomes older and more extensively used. Lack of interest and research cannot be blamed, because in recent years the degree of concentration in this area has probably been relatively as great as in any other sphere of political science. The basic explanation is that administrative formulas and management principles are rarely, if ever, capable of immunization against group pressures and public policy controls, which bend administration to their own designs, sometimes in conformity with what the impartial experts consider sound principle and practice, but just as often in knowing disregard of such considerations and in a determined effort to support their own interests and economic viewpoints.


1917 ◽  
Vol 85 (17) ◽  
pp. 455-456

The following is the text of the resolutions which officially entered the United States into the world war:— “Whereas the imperial German government has committed repeated acts of war against the government and the people of the United States of America; therefore be it “Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, that the state of war between the United States and the imperial German government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be and he is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the imperial German government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.”


Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.


Author(s):  
Andrew J. Falk

Americans in and out of government have relied on media and popular culture to construct the national identity, frame debates on military interventions, communicate core values abroad, and motivate citizens around the world to act in prescribed ways. During the late 19th century, as the United States emerged as a world power and expanded overseas, Americans adopted an ethos of worldliness in their everyday lives, even as some expressed worry about the nation’s position on war and peace. During the interwar period of the 1920s and 1930s, though America failed to join the League of Nations and retreated from foreign engagements, the nation also increased cultural interactions with the rest of the world through the export of motion pictures, music, consumer products, food, fashion, and sports. The policies and character of the Second World War were in part shaped by propaganda that evolved from earlier information campaigns. As the United States confronted communism during the Cold War, the government sanitized its cultural weapons to win the hearts and minds of Americans, allies, enemies, and nonaligned nations. But some cultural producers dissented from America’s “containment policy,” refashioned popular media for global audiences, and sparked a change in Washington’s cultural-diplomacy programs. An examination of popular culture also shows how people in the “Third World” deftly used the media to encourage superpower action. In the 21st century, activists and revolutionaries can be considered the inheritors of this tradition because they use social media to promote their political agendas. In short, understanding the roles popular culture played as America engaged the world greatly expands our understanding of modern American foreign relations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992097352
Author(s):  
Aly Hiko ◽  
Austin Horng-En Wang

Early studies show that the COVID-19 pandemic causes the rally-around-the-flag effect and increases the level of nationalism among the voters after the outbreak. However, how long does this boost last? Voters may cognitively withdraw their identification to the beloved country if the pandemic is rampant in where they live as well as when the government fails to address it thoroughly. We conducted a pre-registered MTurk experiment (n = 606) on 20 April 2020, in the United States—3 months after the first confirmed case and weeks after the large-scale lockdown. Results show that US subjects who were primed of the COVID-19 in the United States significantly decreased their level of nationalism, especially among Democrats. In contrast, the priming of “COVID-19 in the world” has no effect. The negative impact of COVID-19 on nationalism could be explained by enough time as people could observe and evaluate the government’s performance after the outbreak through the partisan lens.


PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1869-1873
Author(s):  
Amy S. Greenberg

Mr. Speaker, I believe that as we sow so shall we reap; and if in the minds of the present generation of boys and girls, young men and women, we sow the seeds of lukewarm patriotism, in the next we will reap a race of men and women who will care very little for love of country. … I would have this nation the absolute master of the commerce of the world. … [I]t is impossible to look up without having a feeling of pride steal over you for the patriots of '76, the sailors of '12, the boys in blue of '61, the courage of the boys in gray. …—Representative Edmund H. Driggs to Congress, 8 March 1898On 15 February 1898, the USS Maine exploded in Havana harbor, killing 266 crewmen. American journalists clamored for vengeance against the Spanish authorities they wrongly blamed for the accident. Three weeks later the Fifty-Fifth Congress unanimously voted in support of President McKinley's $50 million bill for the “national defense” (Morgan 275). By May, Spain and the United States were at war.


1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 720-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Preuss

It has been remarked that the Government of the United States “seldom loses an opportunity to profess its loyalty to international arbitration in the abstract. … The expression of this sentiment has become so conventional that a popular impression prevails that it accords with the actual policy of the United States.” This ambivalent attitude is nowhere more clearly illustrated than in a memorandum addressed by Mr. John Foster Dulles on July 10, 1946, to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. “The United States, since its formation,” Mr. Dulles states, “has led in promoting a reign of law and justice as between nations. In order to continue that leadership, we should now accept the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. If the United States, which has the material power to impose its will widely in the world, agrees instead to submit to the impartial adjudication of its legal controversies, that will inaugurate a new and profoundly significant international advance.” Although the initial step of accepting the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court would in itself be “of profound moral significance,” it would, Mr. Dulles continues, “assume greatly increased practical significance” only when “limiting factors” have been removed, for the “path is as yet so untried that it would be reckless to proceed precipitately,” the Court “has yet to win the confidence of the world community,” and “international law has not yet developed the scope and definiteness necessary to permit international disputes generally to be resolved by judicial rather than political tests.”


2020 ◽  
pp. 105756772097916
Author(s):  
Eric G. Lambert ◽  
Shanhe Jiang ◽  
N. Prabha Unnithan ◽  
Sudershan Pasupuleti

No corner of the world is completely safe from terrorist attacks. Both India and the United States have suffered horrific acts of terrorist-inspired violence. While views of terrorism vary for different reasons, culture certainly plays a role. A total of 918 undergraduate college students, composed of 434 Indian students and 484 U.S. students, were surveyed on their views of terrorism, responses to terrorism, and appropriate punishment of terrorists. Ordered ordinal regression results indicated a significant difference on 20 of the 26 items by nationality. Indian participants were more likely to express strong views on the problem of terrorism for society and to see terrorists as more similar to common criminals than their U.S. counterparts. Indian students were also more likely to feel that the government should do whatever was necessary to win against terrorists, while U.S. students were more likely to view winning against terrorists as difficult. Further, Indian respondents were more likely to feel that terrorists needed to be punished harshly and the death penalty would deter them, while U.S. respondents more likely to feel convicted terrorists should be able to appeal their sentences. The results suggest that culture plays a role in shaping terrorism views.


2021 ◽  
pp. 49-50
Author(s):  
K. Kalidas ◽  
S. Deepak Kumar ◽  
P Priyadharshini ◽  
S Sasikumar ◽  
A Shamsia ◽  
...  

India is the leader in white revolution since 1998, India surpassed the United States and became the largest milk producer in the world by executing Operation ood and also the largest consumer of dairy products. Milk production in the country has increased from 146.3 million tonnes in 2014-15 to 198.4 million tonnes in 2019-20 (Economic Times, 2021). In comparison with 2018-19, the production has increased by 5.70 percent according to the government data. More than 75 percent of the households in the country are consuming milk. The per capita milk consumption is found to be much higher for the home-grown households than those which purchased in most of the state.


2011 ◽  
pp. 154-161
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Seifert ◽  
Harold C. Relyea

The United States is frequently ranked among the most advanced e-government countries in the world (Accenture, 2004; United Nations, 2003; West, 2004). While many of these surveys emphasize the importance of technological issues, such as Web sites, interoperable data standards, and security protections, considerably less attention has been focused on the legislative environment that either facilitates or hinders the development of e-government at the national level. Like all countries, the United States has long grappled with the problem of how to centrally coordinate a diverse and sometimes incongruous collection of departments and agencies to achieve improved efficiencies, while maintaining a level of flexibility that enables these entities to carry out their specialized responsibilities effectively. This challenge can be made harder by the integration of information technology into government, by reifying organizational boundaries in the form of so-called “stove pipes” and “islands of automation.” To combat these problems, national governments are attempting to use legislative means to harmonize a cacophony of independent initiatives, and establish benchmarks for oversight. On December 17, 2002, President George W. Bush signed the E-Government Act of 2002 (116 Stat. 2899; P.L. 107-347) into law. Although there are many existing laws regarding issues such as information technology (IT) management, privacy, and information security, the E-Government Act of 2002 is the first national law that specifically addresses e-government in the United States. Prior to the passage of the E-Government Act, the law frequently cited as the most comprehensive information technology-related law was the Clinger-Cohen Act, signed into law in 1996, just 5 years after the development of the World Wide Web (1991) and at a time when the potential uses of the Internet were just beginning to be recognized by the larger, general public. The Clinger-Cohen Act provisions focus primarily on a narrow range of issues, including the decentralization of IT management within the U.S. federal government, pilot testing of new IT procurement procedures, and the establishment of chief information officer (CIO) positions in the major departments and agencies. In contrast, the provisions of the E-Government Act, described in greater detail below, address a much more comprehensive range of issues, suggesting that the integration of IT into government operations has reached a critical turning point. Some of these provisions include information security, IT management and training, the digital divide, and the creation of an Office of Electronic Government to coordinate and oversee e-government initiatives government-wide, among other duties.


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