Party Membership in the United States, II

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Berdahl
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Tendency ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
Effective Protection ◽  
Registration System ◽  
Independent Voter ◽  
Selection Of

In spite of the recent loosening of the membership or affiliation requirements in Illinois and a few other states, the general tendency throughout the development of party regulation has been toward greater strictness in this respect, toward more effective protection of the party organization against the independent voter with a careless party conscience. This is indicated, in the first place, by the turn toward an official definition and administration of these membership tests. That is, the parties are no longer left free to determine their own membership rules as they please, but these rules are to an increasing extent prescribed by state law and administered by state officials. Secondly, the tests of party membership have become, on the whole, more complex and more comprehensive, and therefore more difficult to evade—the closed primary has become more and more tightly closed. Thirdly, there has been a drift from the challenge to the enrollment or registration system, and, in general, legislation or other official action which requires greater care by the voter and the candidate in the selection of his party, and which imposes greater difficulty in changing his party affiliation.

Party Membership in the United States, I

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Berdahl
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Long Range ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chicago Tribune ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
Legal Standing ◽  
Democrats And Republicans

In any party system, it would seem of some importance to establish rules and qualifications for membership in the different party groups, in order to bring together those persons, and only those persons, who adhere to the respective party principles. That should be particularly important in a two-party system, where the principles and issues are presumably sharply defined and clearly distinguishable. This matter has received increasing attention during recent years, and the importance of the problem was well stated by the Chicago Tribune, in an editorial referring to the Illinois primary campaign of 1938:“The advantages of party organization and party responsibility have been proved over a long range of political testing, and although the abuses at times seem substantial. If a party is to be recognized as having legal standing, and if it is to make its nominations under the direction of law, there should be, it would seem, some determined qualification of its voters…. There shouldn't be a pretence of one thing and a fact of another. If Democrats and Republicans are to have legal standing as such, then Democrats should not make Republican decisions and Republicans should not make Democratic decisions. To permit this is to commit a fraud against the citizens who are trying to make their organization and their decisions according to the prevailing theory of political action and party responsibility.”

Researching American Muslims: A Case Study of Surveillance and Racialized State Control

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Hajer Al-Faham
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Science Research ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Control ◽  
Limited Data ◽  
American Muslims ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Selection Of

How does surveillance shape political science research in the United States? In comparative and international politics, there is a rich literature concerning the conduct of research amid conditions of conflict and state repression. As this literature locates “the field” in distant contexts “over there,” the United States continues to be saturated with various forms of state control. What this portends for American politics research has thus far been examined by a limited selection of scholars. Expanding on their insights, I situate “the field” in the United States and examine surveillance of American Muslims, an understudied case of racialized state control. Drawing on qualitative data from a case study of sixty-nine interviews with Arab and Black American Muslims, I argue that surveillance operated as a two-stage political mechanism that mapped onto research methodologically and substantively. In the first stage, surveillance reconfigured the researcher-researchee dynamic, hindered recruitment and access, and limited data-collection. In the second stage, surveillance colored the self-perceptions, political attitudes, and civic engagement of respondents, thereby indicating a political socialization unfolding among Muslims. The implications of this study suggest that researchers can mitigate against some, but not all, of the challenges presented by surveillance and concomitant forms of state control.

scholarly journals Evaluation of pharmacists’ awareness of illegal online pharmacies and perceived impact on safe access to medicines

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 239920262110056
Author(s):  
John B Hertig ◽  
Shannon M James ◽  
Connor J Hummel ◽  
Matthew J Rubin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Healthcare Providers ◽  
Access To Medicines ◽  
The United States ◽  
Pharmacy Education ◽  
Electronic Survey ◽  
Medication Therapy ◽  
Online Pharmacies ◽  
Effective Medication ◽  
Selection Of

Background: An estimated 95% of all online pharmacies operate unlawfully. Illegal online pharmacies distribute substandard and falsified medical products that may result in patient harm and suboptimal treatment, leading to an overall mistrust of medications, healthcare providers, and health systems. As medication experts, pharmacists are trusted to guide patients in selection of safe and effective medication therapy. Objective: The objective of this study was to determine gaps in knowledge and recognition of the negative clinical and safety impacts associated with illegal Internet pharmacies by licensed pharmacists. Methods: A 37-question electronic survey was developed and distributed to pharmacists across the United States by email via a database from the American Pharmacists Association. Descriptive statistics was utilized to analyze data. Results: A total of 347 pharmacists from across the United States responded to at least one question in the survey. In all, 58% of pharmacists reported a lack of confidence in their ability to counsel patients on the identification of illegal pharmacy websites. Fewer than 60% of pharmacists were able to accurately identify the legitimacy of a webpage based on visual characteristics. In addition, 75% of pharmacists reported being unfamiliar with resources available to help consumers identify safe and legitimate online pharmacies. Conclusion: Integration of the topic into pharmacy education curricula, training on available resources, and additional research into the prevalence and impact of illegal pharmacy websites are necessary to ensure that pharmacists and other healthcare professionals are adequately prepared to protect their communities from the threat of illegal online pharmacies.

Some Notes on Party Membership in Congress, I

1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarence A. Berdahl
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
General Problem ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Alternative Programs ◽  
Party Membership ◽  
Party Platforms ◽  
Party Organizations

The general problem of party membership in the United States was examined to some extent in an earlier article in this Review, and out of that study certain implications could be noted with respect to the nature and operation of our two-party system. It was assumed, to begin with, that it is important in any party system “to bring together those persons, and only those persons, who adhere to the respective party principles,” and particularly important to do that in a two-party system, “where the principles and issues are presumably sharply denned and clearly distinguishable.” The extended survey of the trends in legislation and in party practice led to the conclusion that there is still need for “some better definition or understanding of what is meant by a loyal Republican and a loyal Democrat,” that the lack of such definition is at least partially responsible for the loose and irresponsible nature of the party organizations, for the mass of glittering generalities in party platforms, and for the failure to offer the voter anything like clear alternative programs. “Somehow or other, it should be possible to have a party system which would make it clear whether Wendell Willkie or Senator Nye is the better Republican, whether Franklin D. Roosevelt or Senator Wheeler is the better Democrat.”

Why Two Parties? Ambition, Policy, and the Presidency

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Aldrich ◽  
Daniel J. Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Party System ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Us ◽  
Duverger's Law ◽  
National Electorate

Duverger’s Law suggests that two parties will dominate under first-past-the-post (FPTP) within an electoral district, but the law does not necessarily establish two-party competition at the national level. United States is unique among FPTP countries in having the only durable and nearly pure, two-party system. Following this observation, we answer two questions. First, what contributes to the same two parties competing in districts all across the country and at different levels of office? Second, why is the US two-party system so durable over time, dominated by the same two parties? That is, “Why two parties?” As an answer, we propose the APP: ambition, the presidency, and policy. The presidency with its national electorate and electoral rules that favor two-party competition establishes two national major parties, which frames the opportunity structure that influences party affiliation decisions of ambitious politicians running for lower offices. Control over the policy agenda helps reinforce the continuation of a particular two-party system in equilibrium by blocking third parties through divergence on the main issue dimension and the suppression of latent issue dimensions that could benefit new parties. The confluence of the three factors explains why the United States is so uniquely a durable two-party system.

Great Britain and the United States: Two nations divided by an attitude?

English Today ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Carmen Ebner
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
British English ◽  
Doctoral Thesis ◽  
Linguistic Differences ◽  
The Us ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Similar Search

Having studied attitudes towards usage problems such as the notorious split infinitive or the ubiquitous literally in British English as part of my doctoral thesis, I was intrigued by the sheer lack of scientific studies investigating such attitudes. What was even more intriguing was to discover that the same field and the same usage problems seem to have received a different treatment in the United States of America. While my search for previously conducted usage attitude studies in Great Britain has largely remained fruitless, besides two notable exceptions which I will discuss in detail below (see Section 3), a similar search for American usage attitude studies resulted in a different picture. Considerably more such studies seem to have been conducted in the US than in Great Britain. On top of cultural and linguistic differences between these two nations, it seems as if they also hold different attitudes towards studying attitudes towards usage problems. Now the following question arises: why do we find such contradictory scientific traditions in these two countries? In this paper, I will provide an overview of a selection of American and British usage attitude studies. Taking into account differences between the American and British studies with regard to the number of usage problems studied, the populations surveyed and the methods applied, I will attempt to capture manifestations of two seemingly diverging attitudes towards the study of usage problems. By doing so, I will provide a possible explanation for the lack of attention being paid to usage attitudes in Great Britain.

scholarly journals COVID-19 Tweets of Governors and Health Experts

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Hua ◽  
Chris Chankyo Kim ◽  
Zihan Zhang ◽  
Alex Lyford
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Regression Model ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Similar Rate ◽  
Significant Finding ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Substantial Evidence ◽  
Python Package ◽  
Health Experts

As COVID-19 spread throughout the United States, governors and health experts (HEs) received a surge in followers on Twitter. This paper seeks to investigate how HEs, Democratic governors, and Republican governors discuss COVID-19 on Twitter. Tweets dating from January 1st, 2020 to October 18th, 2020 from official accounts of all fifty governors and 46 prominent U.S.-based HEs were scraped using python package Twint (N = 192,403) and analyzed using a custom-built wordcount program (Twintproject, 2020). The most significant finding is that in 2020, Democratic governors mentioned death at 4.03 times the rate of Republican governors in their COVID-19 tweets. In 2019, Democratic governors still mentioned death at twice the rate of Republicans. We believe we have substantial evidence that Republican governors are less comfortable talking about death than their Democratic counterparts. We also found that Democratic governors tweet about masks, stay-at-home measures, and solutions more often than Republicans. After controlling for state-level variations in COVID-19 data, our regression model confirms that party affiliation is still correlated with the prevalence of tweets in these three categories. However, there isn’t a large difference between the proportion of COVID-19 tweets, tweets about the economy, tweets about vaccines, and tweets containing “science-like” words between governors of the two parties. HEs tweeted about death and vaccines more than the governors. They also tweeted about solutions and testing at a similar rate compared to governors and mentioned lockdowns, the economy, and masks less frequently.

scholarly journals Ewolucja instytucji sędziów pokoju w Stanach Zjednoczonych

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Ewa Gmurzyńska
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Tendency ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Justices Of The Peace ◽  
Pros And Cons ◽  
The U.S

<p class="Normalny1">This article presents a history and development of the institution of justices of the peace in the United States from the beginning of formation of American democracy until modern times. It presents jurisdiction, the scope of the activities and the role of justices of the peace in several states through different periods of times. It includes a thorough discussion concerning pros and cons of justices of the peace in the U.S. legal system and general tendency of declining the institution of justices of the peace in modern times. The article includes also a discussion of the major court decisions concerning justices of the peace.</p>

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