British Parliamentary Elections

1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-114
Author(s):  
Frederic A. Ogg

War-time conditions joined with a new and revolutionizing electoral law to give the British parliamentary elections of last December many novel features. The national electorate, including six million women, was twice as large as ever before; balloting, except by soldiers and other absentees, was confined to a single day; votes were allowed to be sent in by post, or to be cast by proxy; the usual party contest was replaced by a trial of strength between a coalition government which found support among practically all political elements and a number of groups whose physiognomy would hardly have been recognized by an antebellum observer.

Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamad al-Akhssassi

Since 2011, Morocco has been undergoing a series of political, constitutional and institutional reforms, including the issue of rights. These reforms were a response to the February 20 movement that emerged against the background of the Arab Spring. Prompted by this movement and its nationwide protests, the King of Morocco delivered a speech in March 2011 on reform and modernization, resulting in the rapid drafting and adoption of a new Moroccan constitution in June 2011. After a referendum on the constitutional reforms in July 2011, parliamentary elections were held in which a coalition government led by the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power. This paper analyzes the context of the 2011 constitution and assesses the trajectory of the constitutional reforms up to 2015.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cosmin Gabriel Marian ◽  
Ronald F. King

Romania reformed the law governing its parliamentary elections between 2004 and 2008, shifting from a complex proportional representation system based on county-level party lists to a complex uninominal system in which each district for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate elects one representative. The change in law emerged after more than a year of heated political controversies, including partisan and personal animosity between President Basescu and Prime Minister Tariceanu, a failed attempt at impeachment, a deadlocked special electoral commission, a failed popular referendum, an unfavorable constitutional court ruling, and a confusing final accord brokered under deadline. Qualitative comparison of the 2004 and 2008 laws reveals that the heralded reform merely added an additional layer of calculation to the previous electoral system. Quantitative analysis using counterfactual estimation reveals that the new law had absolutely zero effect on the partisan outcome. In the conclusion, we explore the implications of these findings for Romanian politics and the politics of electoral reform more generally.


Significance The protests are against an amendment to the electoral law, which was passed on January 17 and requires that a new census be carried out before presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled for 2016 can take place. The law formally opens up the possibility that there will be delay to elections which should mark the end of President Joseph Kabila's constitutional tenure. Earlier this month, the issue sparked a rupture between Kabila and Moise Katumbi, the popular governor of the mineral-rich Katanga province. After making implicit references against the president staying on, Katumbi was expelled from his post as provincial head of Kabila's party. Impacts Regional reaction to obeying term limits will be key; Angola's head of state visit to Congo went ahead yesterday, despite planned protests. However, in the face of domestic challenges, Kabila can no longer expect an Angolan security guarantee. Angola's cancellation of the January summit on eastern DRC is testament to its reticent approach on military intervention in Congo.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Millard

The Polish parliamentary elections of 2001 took place in a context of fresh upheavals in the configuration of political parties. The architects of the new electoral law aimed to reduce the seats gained by the social democrats and increase their own. They succeeded in the first aim by a change of electoral formula, forcing the victorious social democratic electoral coalition to seek a third coalition partner. They did not achieve the second aim, as their own failures in government drastically reduced their electoral support and facilitated the breakthrough of populist formations. The result had implications for party development and the composition and workings of both parliament and government. While representation was enhanced by a parliament more accurately reflecting the voters’ choice, the impact appeared potentially harmful to Polish democracy as a whole.


1999 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Ingo Von Münch

In September and October 1998 Professor von Münch was a visiting fellow of the New Zealand Institute of Public Law.  During an extremely busy visit, Professor von Münch gave a number of seminars on aspects of German Constitutional and Electoral Law.  These seminars, given by both a leading Constitutional and Electoral Law academic and a former deputy prime minister of the State of Hamburg and former member of the Bundesrat, or German Senate, were timely given the trials and tribulations of New Zealand's first MMP Coalition Government which had then just ended in the sacking of the minor party's leader as Deputy Prime Minister.  In contrast to much of the contemporary gloom at the perceived failed hope of MMP, Professor von Münch presented a hopeful view of both the electoral system that New Zealand had imported from Germany and of the possibilities of Coalition Government. The following is an enlarged text of a speech, delivered to the Public Law section of the New Zealand Ministry of Justice.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110428
Author(s):  
Richard Whitaker ◽  
Shane Martin

Parliamentary elections often result in the formation of a coalition government. While the legislative process allows actors within a coalition government to monitor each other, little attention has focused on how opposition parties respond to coalition government. We argue that opposition parties have incentives to uncover and highlight differences and tensions within the governing coalition. A strategy by the opposition to use legislative tools to uncover policy conflicts and ministerial drift within the coalition increases intra-coalition tensions, potentially generating electoral costs for the governing parties, and potentially even hastening the coalition’s demise. To test our argument, we build and analyse a new dataset of parliamentary questions in the British House of Commons covering the 2010–15 coalition. As expected, the main opposition party appears to strategically focus questions towards policy areas that uncover intra-coalition tensions. This research highlights the importance of opposition parties in parliamentary democracies.


Author(s):  
Emad Wagga Ajeel AL-Khafaji

It is possible to say that Lebanon is one of the most complex Arab countries in the formation of the government, as is the case in Iraq, because they apply consensual democracy. After the parliamentary elections in Lebanon in 2018, there were many challenges to the formation of the government, whether internal challenges such as sectarianism, Which resulted in problems and complications, or the new electoral law, in addition to the victory of Hezbollah with a large number of parliamentary seats, and the impact on Lebanon's internal and external, and other internal challenges, or external challenges: represented by the regional and international situation, of interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon, as a result of internal parties have external extensions, or what the region is going through problems, wars and instability, particularly what is happening in Syria and the impact on the internal situation, And the impact on the internal situation in Lebanon, and finally the government was formed despite these challenges, but the question is: Will the government be able to overcome the impact of those challenges on the functioning of the government after its formation? There is no doubt that the impact of these challenges will continue to exist even after the formation of the government due to the internal situation of Lebanon is confused and linked to the external situation


2018 ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Natalia KLEJDYSZ

The next parliamentary elections in Poland will be held on the basis of the amended elec- toral law. The changes introduced involve a quota system: the ballots are required to provide for at least 35% of women and at least 35% of men. Nearly a hundred years passed from 1918, when Polish women first won voting rights, till the President of Poland signed the so-called parity law. It would not be true, however, to say that this was a century of struggle for the equality of rights of men and women in our country. It was only after 1989 that efficient steps could be taken in this area in Poland. Therefore, the quota system that has been introduced, to be tested in practice soon, is actually the consequence of twenty years of endeavors. The advocates of such a solution consider this to be the first step towards electoral parity. Following the solutions that numerous European countries have introduced, public debate in Poland increasingly more often refers to proposals to ‘spread’ the quota system, and then parity, also to other domains, such as management or education. The opening of a serious debate on these issues will to a large extent depend on the results of the recent quota changes of the electoral law.


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