scholarly journals Wiedźmy i dziwadła, czyli polska droga do parytetu

2018 ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Natalia KLEJDYSZ
Keyword(s):  
Voting Rights ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Or Education ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Law

The next parliamentary elections in Poland will be held on the basis of the amended elec- toral law. The changes introduced involve a quota system: the ballots are required to provide for at least 35% of women and at least 35% of men. Nearly a hundred years passed from 1918, when Polish women first won voting rights, till the President of Poland signed the so-called parity law. It would not be true, however, to say that this was a century of struggle for the equality of rights of men and women in our country. It was only after 1989 that efficient steps could be taken in this area in Poland. Therefore, the quota system that has been introduced, to be tested in practice soon, is actually the consequence of twenty years of endeavors. The advocates of such a solution consider this to be the first step towards electoral parity. Following the solutions that numerous European countries have introduced, public debate in Poland increasingly more often refers to proposals to ‘spread’ the quota system, and then parity, also to other domains, such as management or education. The opening of a serious debate on these issues will to a large extent depend on the results of the recent quota changes of the electoral law.

Regional features of local elections in 2020: Poltava region

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Party Building ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
Electoral Law

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.

scholarly journals The Quota System in Sudan: Parties’ Perception of Ways to Enhance Female Political Participation

1970 ◽  
pp. 87-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niemat Kuku
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Short Version ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
National Congress

This paper is a short version of the study by Niemate Kuku in which she discusses the quota system in the Sudan. It is important to note that the article was submitted prior to the 2010 presidential and parliamentary elections in Sudan that were held from April 11 to 15, 2010. Originally, the elections were to be held in Sudan from March to April 2009. They were postponed several times. President Omar al-Bashir’s party, the National Congress, won the elections and al-Bashir was confirmed as the winner.

Die Reformen des Wahlrechts zum Deutschen Bundestag 2011 und 2013 im öffentlichen Diskurs

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 844-864
Author(s):  
Eric Linhart ◽  
Oke Bahnsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
German Newspapers

The German electoral law to the federal parliament was reformed in 2011 and in 2013 . While political scientists have extensively evaluated consequences of these reforms, the role of the public discourse has been largely neglected . We analyze articles from three leading German newspapers (FAZ, SZ, Welt) on this topic and find the debate around the reforms to be dominated by parties and political institutions . Scientists, interest groups, and journalists have only played minor roles . Regarding content, the discourse largely focused on surplus seats, reform speed, and a proposal by the CDU/CSU‑FDP coalition government in 2011 . A broad public debate in which multiple social groups could participate has not taken place . From a normative perspective this is problematic since the lack of a public debate might have contributed to the poor quality of the reform’s result .

GENDER AND PUBLIC PARTICIPATION: A STUDY OF THE SWEDISH PUBLIC DEBATE ON THE NORD STREAM GAS PIPELINE FROM A GENDER PERSPECTIVE

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 1350016 ◽  
Author(s):  
MISSE WESTER ◽  
CAMILLA MÖRN
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Gas Pipeline ◽  
Survey Study ◽  
Gender Perspective ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Negative View ◽  
Participatory Processes ◽  
Nord Stream

This article focuses on public participation in Sweden during the planning of the Nord Stream gas pipeline. The pipeline runs from Russia to Germany, and passes close to the Swedish island of Gotland. Results from a survey study conducted among 990 Swedish citizens, where 200 respondents are residents on the island of Gotland, reveal that there are differences between men and women in how risks with this project were perceived. More women than men expressed a desire for more participatory processes, even if they stated that they would not participate themselves. Women on Gotland expressed a more negative view of the gas pipeline and also perceived greater risks. Results indicate that public participation could have been better at addressing gender and regional specific needs.

News Media as Gatekeepers, Critics, and Initiators of Populist Communication: How Journalists in Ten Countries Deal with the Populist Challenge

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 476-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Wettstein ◽  
Frank Esser ◽  
Anne Schulz ◽  
Dominique S. Wirz ◽  
Werner Wirth
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
News Media ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The People ◽  
The Media ◽  
Comparative Content

In the wake of the recent successes of populist political actors and discussions about its causes in Europe, the contribution of the media has become an issue of public debate. We identify three roles—as gatekeepers, interpreters, and initiators—the media can assume in their coverage of populist actors, populist ideology, and populist communication. A comparative content analysis of nine thousand stories from fifty-nine news outlets in ten European countries shows that both media factors (e.g., tabloid orientation) and political factors (e.g., response of mainstream parties) influence the extent and nature of populism in the media. Although newspapers in most countries do not overrepresent populist actors and tend to evaluate them negatively, we still find abundant populist content in the news. Several media outlets like to present themselves as mouthpieces of the people while, at the same time, cover politicians and parties with antiinstitutional undertones.

‘When I’m 65’: On the Age-negotiated Duty to Work

2019 ◽  
pp. 095001701988579
Author(s):  
Monika Wilińska ◽  
Bo Rolander ◽  
Pia H Bűlow
Keyword(s):  
Work Rehabilitation ◽  
Moral Norms ◽  
Or Education ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Age Norms ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Social Pressures ◽  
Welfare Systems ◽  
Education Groups

The duty to work is an unquestionable norm in contemporary welfare systems. Nonetheless, as argued in this article, duty to work can be negotiable, and there are age norms that can be used to loosen its otherwise rigid character. This interview-based article follows the work rehabilitation stories of 57 men and women who, in making sense of their illnesses, rehabilitation and work, recurrently use age norms to validate their accounts. In the context of heightened social pressures on paid labour, the practices of doing age seem to both validate and counterbalance the norms of paid labour. Interestingly, the use of age norms is not bounded by any age, gender or education groups; rather, it is used across various social positions. The article discusses age and age norms and their relation to the moral norms of paid labour in contemporary welfare societies.

scholarly journals Explaining the appeal of militant Salafism in a Norwegian context

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Nord Holmer
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
General Trend ◽  
Perceived Discrimination ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Internet Research ◽  
Economic Deprivation ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
The Public ◽  
Foreign Policies

By drawing upon existing literature on Islamic radicalisation, this article empirically explores why some Norwegian Muslims come to accept the use of violence in the name of Islam. Based on primary internet research and interviews with individuals who either call for violent jihad, or who have travelled to Syria to engage in armed struggle, this study identifies several complaints and grievances which may result in individuals adopting extreme positions. These grievances relate to Norwegian and Western foreign policies, feelings of being alienated and stigmatised in the public debate, a sense of not belonging, actual or perceived discrimination, and socio-economic deprivation. Interestingly, the findings in this study suggest that these factors are not significantly different in Norway than in other European countries facing the general trend of Islamic radicalisation. Rather, the ideological positions and statements identified in the data collection reflect the broader literature on the radicalisation of young Muslims living in Europe. In line with theories of Wiktorowicz (2005) and Roy (2004), this article therefore argues that Norwegian Muslims may become attracted to militant Salafism because it responds to their individual grievances, and provides an alternative worldview that offers meaning, community and justice based on shared religion and ideology. 

‘Temporarily’ Abroad: Partisan Organisation and Mobilisation outside Australia

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 874-886
Author(s):  
Anika Gauja
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Migration Patterns ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
Limited Opportunity ◽  
Organisational Structures ◽  
High Concentrations ◽  
And Migration ◽  
Electoral Law ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article explores the relationship between partisan organisation outside a country of origin and the voting rights and migration patterns of its citizens. Using Australian political parties operating overseas as case studies, it examines the extent to which the electoral context of expatriate voting influences why and how parties establish organisational structures abroad. Electoral law in Australia allows citizens to vote while living overseas only for a limited period—as long as they intend to return to Australia within six years. Because of this relatively limited opportunity, we might expect party organisations abroad to exist primarily to mobilise support at election times in areas where there are high concentrations of Australian expatriate voters, rather than create lasting communities of partisan supporters. The article finds, in line with this expectation, that ‘parties abroad’ are relatively modest, geographically rooted in cities with large expatriate populations and facilitated by online and social media technologies.

Popular culture and public debate: London 1780

1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna T. Andrew
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Cultural Form ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Many

ABSTRACTThis paper examines an important and rather neglected forum for popular discussion – the debating society – in London in 1780. This was the first full year that debating societies left their semi-private, club-like sites and took to new rooms, all across the metropolitan area. These new venues were large (seating between 400 and 1200) commercial settings, where men and women could come to speak and to listen, to enjoy an evening of rational entertainment at a small price. Using the many daily London newspapers as its main source, this essay examines the audiences present at these debates, the types of questions asked and the nature of the responses, when known, and surveys the wide range of reactions to such activity. Finally, it suggests some explanations for and evaluations of the growth and decline of this important cultural form.

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