The European Union as a Global “Civilian Power”: Development Cooperation in EU-Latin American Relations

2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Freres
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
International Strategy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Investment Promotion ◽  
Global Player ◽  
Strong Position ◽  
Trade And Investment ◽  
The Eu

The European Union’s attempts to strengthen ties with Latin America relate to a broader international strategy of demonstrating that it is a “global player” and attaining the image of a “civilian power.” Yet many observers suspect that European aid is simply instrumental to trade and investment promotion and other interests. They question whether the EU’s strong position as a donor in Latin America means that Latin America is strongly important to the EU. This article reviews the history, context, and latest trends in EU aid to Latin America, then looks at the prospects for a biregional partnership.

scholarly journals Transregionalism in relations between Latin America and the European Union

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-B) ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
Elizaveta Andreevna Vinogradova ◽  
Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
World Politics ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Globalized World ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The Eu

Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.

scholarly journals Latin American public opinion vis-à-vis regional integration (1995-2018)

2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (199) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
María Victoria Alvarez
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
National Level ◽  
Influential Factors ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Individual Economy ◽  
The Eu

Literature on opposition to regional integration has concentrated on the European Union (EU). So far, very few systematic attempts have been pursued to explain opposition to regional integration in Latin America or to identify its main influential factors. Based on Latinobarometer surveys, two main findings emerge from this paper. First, it confirms that opposition to regional integration is not a generalised attitude among Latin Americans. Secondly, the way in which citizens across Latin America evaluate regional integration is strongly influenced by the same predictors as in the EU. Together, citizens’ assessments of economic performance (both at the individual and national level) enjoy a preponderance to account for their position regarding regionalism. Others variables, i.e. age, ideological position, and level of education have a more limited explanatory value while occupation is not significant. Thus, economic variables such as citizens’ perceptions of their national and individual economy have proven to be directly linked to support for/opposition to economic integration.

Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2021

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Tax Revenue ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Joint Work ◽  
Development Centre ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Consistent Basis ◽  
The Eu

This report compiles comparable tax revenue statistics over the period 1990-2019 for 27 Latin American and Caribbean economies. Based on the OECD Revenue Statistics database, it applies the OECD methodology to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to enable comparison of tax levels and tax structures on a consistent basis, both among the economies of the region and with other economies. This publication is jointly undertaken by the OECD Centre for Tax Policy and Administration, the OECD Development Centre, the Inter-American Center of Tax Administrations (CIAT), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The 2021 edition is produced with the support of the EU Regional Facility for Development in Transition for Latin America and the Caribbean, which results from joint work led by the European Union, the OECD and its Development Centre, and ECLAC.

The second attempt to negotiate the association agreement

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arantza Gomez Arana
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Crisis ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur “continued” negotiating the Association Agreement but it is fair to say that after such a failure at the last minute in October 2004, both sides becoming cautious in their hopes for a successful agreement. Considering that the negotiations failed publicly it is understandable to expect some years of “healing” before considering a new attempt. One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the re-launching of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe is the one recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak Eurozone, while in Latin America this international crisis did not have that much of an effect. However in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups or individual countries were being successful. At the same time a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the puzzle, China. To some extent this could be seen as a better scenario for a successful agreement between both regions. The facilitator of the re-launching of the negotiations was one more time the Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in mid June in Brussels 2015.

scholarly journals Political Shifts in Latin America and Problems of Relations of the Region with the European Union

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-172
Author(s):  
Zbiegnew Iwanowski ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Unity In Diversity ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

The article examines the deteriorating economic and social situation in Latin America after the "golden decade" (2003 – 2013) and political shifts in the region. During the last electoral cycle, there was a reformatting of the political landscape, including the "right drift" on one hand and the strengthening of the positions of the left forces on the other. At the same time, political polarization at the national and regional levels sharply increased, integration blocks have disintegrated or are in a state of crisis. As a result, the region is no longer a "unity in diversity". Based on an analysis of the latest sources and bibliography, the author shows the reasons for the intensification of European politics in Latin America. He comes to conclusion that the EU tries to play an independent role in the emerging new bipolarity. Although the economy remains a priority in interregional cooperation, political aspects are becoming increasingly important. Both regions actively cooperate in solving global problems, but the priorities of each of them differ significantly. The European Union cooperates with Latin America in strengthening multilateralism and improving global governance, both partners try to reform international institutions, reject protectionism and underline the priority of international law. In the absence of "unity in diversity" and the crisis of integration associations on the continent, the EU pays more attention to bilateral relations with Latin American countries.

Environmental governance in the EU–Latin American relationship

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Dominguez
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Environmental Governance ◽  
Environmental Variable ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Coopération Internationale ◽  
Amérique Latine ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Amerique Latine ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the evolution of the European Union (EU)–Latin America environmental relationship and the EU contributions to environmental governance in Latin America over the past two decades. It argues that environmental governance in Latin America is the result of the combination of three elements: (a) progress, albeit problematic, of international environmental frameworks;(b) domestic transformations in Latin American states demanding better environmental standards; and (c) international cooperation. From this perspective, EU contributions to Latin American environmental governance have increased since the early 2000s, but varied in specific cases. In spite of some bilateral differences (EU–Ecuador or EU–Venezuela), EU environmental programs to Latin America have modestly increased in areas such as climate change, renewable energy, and water since the 2000s and hence EU environmental policies in Latin America are significant to the extent that the environmental variable has relatively gained more relevance in the bi-regional relationship. Spanish Este artículo analiza la evolución de la relación medioambiental de la Unión Europea (UE) y América Latina y las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina en las últimas dos décadas. Argumenta que la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina es el resultado de la combinación de tres elementos: (a) el progreso, aunque problemático, de los marcos internacionales sobre medio ambiente; (b) transformaciones internas en los estados latinoamericanos para exigir mejores normas ambientales; y (c) la cooperación internacional. Desde esta perspectiva, las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental de América Latina han aumentado desde la década de 2000, pero variado en casos específicos. A pesar de algunas diferencias bilaterales (UE–Ecuador o UE–Venezuela), programas medioambientales de la UE hacia América Latina han aumentado modestamente en ámbitos como el cambio climático, la energía renovable y el agua desde la década de 2000 y por lo tanto las políticas medioambientales de la UE en América Latina son significativas en la medida en que la variable ambiental relativamente ha adquirido más relevancia en la relación bi-regional. French Cet article analyse l'évolution des incidences de l'Union européenne (UE) en matière d'environnement et des contributions de l'Amérique Latine et de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine au cours des deux dernières décennies. La gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine est le résultat d'une combinaison de trois éléments: a) les progrès, bien que problématiques, des schémas internationaux en matière d'environnement, b) les transformations internes dans les États d'Amérique Latine revendiquant de meilleures normes environnementales, et c) la coopération internationale. Dans cette perspective, les contributions de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine ont augmenté depuis les années 2000, mais ont varié dans des cas spécifiques. Malgré quelques différences bilatérales (entre l'UE-Equateur ou l'UEVenezuela), les programmes environnementaux de l'UE en Amérique latine ont augmenté modestement dans des domaines tels que le changement climatique, les énergies renouvelables et l'eau depuis les années 2000 et donc les politiques environnementales de l'UE en Amérique latine sont importantes dans la mesure où la variable environnementale a relativement gagné davantage de pertinence dans la relation bi-régionale.

The European Union, Latin America, and the Caribbean

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Gratius
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Eu

Since 1957, the European Union (EU) has been a constant and reliable partner of Latin America, on the one hand, and the Caribbean, on the other. It still offers a unique model of idealist interregionalism based on the promotion of its own integration model, combined with limited economic interests, soft power and, more recently, shared global visions such as sustainable development, Compared with the two bigger external actors, the United States and China, the EU is a normative actor that complements and sometimes counterbalances (in the cases of Brazil, Cuba, and Mexico) relations with the dominant power. Although, in relative terms, trade exchanges have declined since the 1990s, Latin America and the EU share a solid network of multilevel and contractual relations integrated by political dialogue, development cooperation, and investment flows. The EU signed free trade agreements plus (dialogue and cooperation) with Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, the Caribbean, and Central America. In June 2019 finalized a twenty year process of free trade negotiations between the EU and MERCOSUR. Once in force and approved by EU institutions and the four South American states, the EU-MERCOSUR association agreement will reactivate trade exchange grounded on economic, political, social and cultural cooperation between state and non-state actors. Nonetheless, it remains unclear if the 32 states involved in the mixed agreement (European Commission’s exclusive trade competences plus EU member states) will approve the deal in a foreseeable future.

The most productive years of EU–Mercosur relations

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arantza Gomez Arana
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
General Context ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Medium Level ◽  
Global Vision ◽  
High Level ◽  
New Framework ◽  
The Eu

This chapter covers a new stage in EU policy towards Mercosur and Latin America. This stage started with a new framework of policies within which agreements between the European Union and Latin American countries, including the Mercosur countries, were made. By explaining EU-Mercosur agreements within the general context of EU-LA relations it is possible to bring some clarity to the EU level of engagement with Mercosur in relative terms so it is neither over nor underestimated. In doing so it will show how EU-Mercosur relations were the most important ones within the EU-LA framework. As has been established before, the level of engagement will be explained by discussing two aspects of it, “ambition” and “commitment”. This chapter shows that there is a medium level of “ambition” and a high level of “commitment” which helps to explain the outcome of a medium level of engagement. In relation to this stage, in the literature it has been accepted that, in 1990, the EU’s means of dealing with Latin America changed (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Bizzozero 1995; Laporte Galli 1996; Birochi 1999). Detailed explanations for this have not yet been offered. Some indicate that these changes were due to wider changes in the international arena. With the end of Cold War, the EU was given a chance to develop a global vision and a space in which to do it (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Birochi 1999). The internal changes in the European Union, especially its increased integration, have also been mentioned in this regard (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995).

The Banana Regime of the European Union, the Caribbean, and Latin America

1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Sutton
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Eu

The tone of European-Latin American relations in recent years has been strongly influenced by the issue of bananas. At stake has been the future of the banana trade between the European Union (EU) and Latin America, which, even if small in relative size (constituting less than 5% of Latin America’s exports to the EU), has loomed large in international political calculations. This article seeks to make sense of a very complex, and still developing, situation by identifying the interests of the various parties directly concerned. The first part examines the background, the problem, and the solution to this issue as set out in the adoption of a new banana regime (NBR) in the EU.

scholarly journals US and EU in Latin America: contours of competitive interaction

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Ilona Gritsenko
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Latin American Country ◽  
The United States ◽  
Competitive Interaction ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Eu

The paper outlines the contours of modern competitive interaction between the United States and the European Union in Latin America. Based on the Latin American country strategies of the US State Department and the European Commission documents, the author traces the priorities of the above mentioned global players in the region, highlighting those of them that are areas of conflict of interests between the US and the EU. Special attention is paid to the differences and commonalities in their approaches to topical issues and problematic items of the Latin American agenda.

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