Democratic Stability and Its Limits: An Analysis of Chile's 1993 Elections

1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerardo L. Munck

Once again, Chile stands out within the Latin American region. In the early 1970s, Salvador Allende's brand of socialism attracted worldwide attention and captured the imagination of the international Left. In the years thereafter, Pinochet's authoritarianism set the pace for a global resurgence of the new Right. Finally, in just the last few years, Chile has become a symbol of a new sort, rapidly establishing itself as a democratic success story. Chile's democratic progress becomes especially evident when viewed alongside the large set of Latin American countries that have democratized since the late 1970s. Indeed, an analysis of the last presidential and congressional elections in Chile (11 December 1993) indicates that it has undoubtedly made greater strides toward democratic consolidation than any other country in Latin America — all the more striking when one considers that its transition from authoritarian rule was concluded only as recently as 1990.

2011 ◽  
pp. 226-246
Author(s):  
Marc Holzer ◽  
Tony Carrizales ◽  
Richard Schwester

This chapter examines e-government practices in Latin American cities. Emphasis is placed on five areas: privacy and security, usability, content, services, and citizen participation. In Digital Governance in Municipalities Worldwide, Holzer and Kim (2004) evaluated e-government in the largest municipality in each of 100 countries. Included in this study were the largest cities in 15 Latin American countries. This chapter focuses on these 15 cities, highlighting those that received the highest overall index score. In addition, five cities with above-average scores in the five e-government component areas are assessed. Although this chapter does not take into consideration all e-government practices in Latin America, it does provide benchmark cases for cities in the Latin American region.


1981 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Redick

The regime established by the Treaty of Tlatelolco is supportive of peace and security in the Latin American region and global nonproliferation efforts. Circumstances leading to the creation of the nuclear-weapon-free zone include careful preparations and negotiations, individual leadership, existence of certain shared cultural and legal traditions of Latin American countries, and the temporary stimulus of the Cuban missile crisis. Lack of overt superpower pressure on Latin America, compared with more turbulent regions, has permitted continued progress toward full realization of the zone. Tlatelolco's negotiating process, as well as the substance of the Treaty, deserve careful consideration relative to other areas.The Treaty enjoys wide international approval, but full support by certain Latin American States (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Cuba) has been negatively affected by the failure of the U.S. Senate to ratify Tlatelolco's Protocol I. Nuclear programs of Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico are expanding rapidly and these nations are forming linkages with West European countries, rather than the United States. The May 1980 Argentine-Brazilian nuclear agreement foresees significant cooperation between the two nation's nuclear energy commissions and more coordinated resistance to the nuclear supplier countries. Argentine-Brazilian nuclear convergence—and the response accorded to it by the United States will have significant implications for the future of the Tlatelolco regime and nonproliferation in Latin America.


Author(s):  
Timur Nelin ◽  

Introduction. Donald Trump’s policy towards the Latin American region and illegal Latino migrants was often criticized by mass media. Many experts admit that over four years of his presidency U.S. cooperation with Latin American countries was severely “undermined”. This negative trend should have been the subject of discussion of candidates for the U.S. presidential election in 2020. The purpose of the article is to find out what aspects of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were used by the candidates in their campaign statements, for what he was criticized and praised. Methods and Materials. The research is based on the analysis of candidates’ election programs and speeches. Donald Trump’s annual messages to Congress are analyzed as well. The author researches the programs of those candidates who reached the final stage of the 2020 elections and those who were most popular at the beginning of 2020 but lost the primaries. In addition to general scientific research methods, the author uses methods of discourse analysis and comparative analysis. Analysis. Almost all the candidates criticized the policy of Donald Trump in different way. The main issues were President’s approaches to Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela and dealing with illegal immigrants. Trump’s policy didn’t receive explicit approval from any candidate. Among all the contenders for the post of U.S. President, only Joe Biden offered a more or less developed plan for establishing relations with the Central America countries. Results. The author showers that main directions of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were not criticized. But the methods of this policy were criticized a lot. Most part of the Latin America region generally fell out of the U.S. foreign policy discourse. And it was almost not represented in the candidates programs and speeches. This suggests that real shifts in the Latin American direction of the U.S. foreign policy will not occur in the coming years.


2021 ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Zhang Wanting

The growing importance of China in Latin America predetermines the need to study the directions of China's economic interests in the region. The article is devoted to the trade, investment and financial relations of China with the countries of Latin America. The trends of the development of mutual trade are studied, the geographical structure of trade is analyzed, and special attention is paid to the potential of trade cooperation. Within the framework of investment relations, the role of China as an investment donor country is emphasized, and its place among other investors in the Latin American region is determined. Noting the inadequacy of their own financial resources of Latin American countries for the implementation of investment projects, the mutually beneficial investment cooperation is highlighted. The materials presented and analyzed in the article indicate that the implementation of joint financial projects has a positive effect on ensuring the sustainability of the economies of Latin America and China. The obtained results of the study indicate the presence of potential for further cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cindy Ramírez ◽  
Albert Turon ◽  
Cristián Retamal ◽  
Olga Alcaraz ◽  
Bàrbara Sureda

Abstract During the past years, the impact of climate change in the Latin America region has become more evident, and is affecting its natural resources and delaying sustainable development. Achieving the 1.5°C long-term temperature goal of the Paris Agreement while ensuring the right to sustainable development, is of particular interest for regions such as Latin America which are highly vulnerable and have a low capacity of adaptation. This article seeks to analyse if the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) submitted within the Paris Agreement framework by the Latin American countries align with achieving the 1.5°C goal. For this analysis, the cumulative emissions for the 2018–2100 period are distributed among the region and its countries using the climate justice criteria (equality and historical responsibility) outlined in the Model of Climate Justice (MCJ). The results of the MCJ compatible with the 1.5°C global temperature scenario are then compared with the cumulative emissions implied in the NDCs submitted by the Latin American countries. Two main conclusions are obtained from the NDC analysis. First, the Latin American region, in 2030, will consume 67.8% of the emissions budget allocated by the MCJ until the end of the century. Second, this percentage could be reduced if, firstly, the conditional commitments within the NDC that require foreign aid are achieved, and, secondly, those countries that will consume their entire emissions budget by 2030 submit reviewed NDCs that increase the ambition of their mitigation commitments.


Author(s):  
P. Yakovlev

Modern processes in Latin America confirmed the fact that the twenty-first century is a period of historic growth of developing countries. In the last 12-15 years in the Latin American region there have taken place a wave of significant changes, a lot of States have become financially and economically stronger. The countries modernized their internal socio-political structures, strengthened democratic institutions and benefited from the globalization, that enabled them to strengthen their positions in the international arena. The changes visibly transform the regional political-economic context affecting all areas of external relations of the Latin American countries, define the new role of the region in the emerging world. All these processes allow to speak about substantial geopolitical developments in the situation of Latin America.


Author(s):  
Javier Cifuentes-Faura

The pandemic caused by COVID-19 has left millions infected and dead around the world, with Latin America being one of the most affected areas. In this work, we have sought to determine, by means of a multiple regression analysis and a study of correlations, the influence of population density, life expectancy, and proportion of the population in vulnerable employment, together with GDP per capita, on the mortality rate due to COVID-19 in Latin American countries. The results indicated that countries with higher population density had lower numbers of deaths. Population in vulnerable employment and GDP showed a positive influence, while life expectancy did not appear to significantly affect the number of COVID-19 deaths. In addition, the influence of these variables on the number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 was analyzed. It can be concluded that the lack of resources can be a major burden for the vulnerable population in combating COVID-19 and that population density can ensure better designed institutions and quality infrastructure to achieve social distancing and, together with effective measures, lower death rates.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Spencer P. Chainey ◽  
Gonzalo Croci ◽  
Laura Juliana Rodriguez Forero

Most research that has examined the international variation in homicide levels has focused on structural variables, with the suggestion that socio-economic development operates as a cure for violence. In Latin America, development has occurred, but high homicide levels remain, suggesting the involvement of other influencing factors. We posit that government effectiveness and corruption control may contribute to explaining the variation in homicide levels, and in particular in the Latin America region. Our results show that social and economic structural variables are useful but are not conclusive in explaining the variation in homicide levels and that the relationship between homicide, government effectiveness, and corruption control was significant and highly pronounced for countries in the Latin American region. The findings highlight the importance of supporting institutions in improving their effectiveness in Latin America so that reductions in homicide (and improvements in citizen security in general) can be achieved.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nubia Muñoz

It is too early to know which will be the final death toll from the Covid-19 or SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemy in Latin America since the epidemy is still active and we will not know when it will end. The curve for new infections and deaths has not reached yet a peak (Figure 1). In addition, we know little about the epidemiology of this new virus. The daily litany of the number of people infected with the number of admissions to hospitals and intensive care units and the number of deaths guides health authorities to plan health services and politicians to gauge the degree of confinement necessary to control the transmission of the virus, but it says little about the magnitude of the problem if we do not relate it to the population at risk. At the end of the pandemic, we will be able to estimate age-standardized death rates for the different countries, but until then the crude death rates will provide a first glance or snapshot of the death toll and impact of the pandemic from March to May 2020. These rates are well below those estimated in other countries in Europe and North America: Belgium (82.6), Spain (58.0), the United Kingdom (57.5), Italy (55.0), France (42.9), Sweden (41.4), and the US (30.7). (Johns Hopkins CSSE, May 30, 2020). However, in the European countries and the US the number of deaths has reached a peak, while this is not the case in Latin American countries. (Figure 1). It should be taken into account that the above rates are crude and therefore, some of the differences could be due to the fact that European countries have a larger proportion of the population over 70 years of age in whom higher mortality rates have been reported.


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