The DEA In Latin America: Dealing With Institutionalized Corruption

1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan A. Nadelmann

Among the Many Obstacles that confront the government of the United States in its global battle against international drug trafficking, drug-related corruption of foreign governments ranks as one of the most troublesome. It is present in virtually every country. In many of the less developed countries in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, it is pervasive. Not just policemen and customs officials, but judges, generals, cabinet ministers and even presidents and prime ministers are implicated. Corruption in most of these countries is, of course, nothing new—although the temptations posed by the illicit drug traffic are unprecedented. Nor are US diplomats unaccustomed to dealing with foreign corruption. Their experience in this regard dates back to the origins of US diplomacy.

Author(s):  
Deisy Ventura ◽  
Jameson Martins da Silva ◽  
Leticia Calderón ◽  
Itzel Eguiluz

The World Health Organization has recognized health as a right of migrants and refugees, who are entitled to responsive healthcare policies, due to their particular social determinants of health. Migrants’ and refugees’ health is not only related to transmissible diseases but also to mental health, sexual and reproductive health, and non-communicable diseases, such as diabetes. Historically, however, migration has been linked to the spread of diseases and has often artificially served as a scapegoat to local shortcomings, feeding on the xenophobic rhetoric of extremist groups and political leaders. This approach fosters the criminalization of migrants, which has led to unacceptable violations of human rights, as demonstrated by the massive incarceration and deportation policies in developed countries, for example, the United States under the Trump administration. In Latin America and the Caribbean, in particular, there have been legal developments, such as pioneering national legislation in Argentina in 2004 and Brazil in 2017, which suggest some progress in the direction of human rights, although in practice drawbacks abound in the form of countless barriers for migrants to access and benefit from healthcare services in the context of political turmoil and severe socioeconomic inequality. The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed and enhanced the effects of such inequality in the already frail health conditions of the most disenfranchised, including low-income migrants and refugees; it has both caused governments in Latin America to handle the crisis in a fragmented and unilateral fashion, ignoring opportunities to cooperate and shield the livelihoods of the most vulnerable, and served as a pretext to sharpen the restrictions to cross-border movement and, ultimately, undermine the obligation to protect the dignity of migrants, as the cases of Venezuela and the U.S.-Mexico border illustrate. Still, it could represent an opportunity to integrate the health of migrants to the public health agenda as well as restore cooperation mechanisms building on previous experiences and the existing framework of human rights organizations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola Pessino ◽  
Teresa Ter-Minassian

This paper presents projections for 18 Latin America and Caribbean countries of pensions and health expenditures over the next 50 years, compares them to advanced countries, and calculates estimates of the fiscal gap due to aging. The exercise is crucial since life expectancy is increasing and fertility rates are declining in virtually all advanced countries and many developing countries, but more so in Latin America and the Caribbean. While the populations of many of the regions countries are still relatively young, they are aging more rapidly than those in more developed countries. The fiscal implications of these demographic trends are severe. The paper proposes policy and institutional reforms that could begin to be implemented immediately and that could help moderate these trends in light of relevant international experience to date. It suggests that LAC countries need to include an intertemporal numerical fiscal limit or rule to the continuous increase in aging spending while covering the needs of the more vulnerable. They should consider also complementing public pensions with voluntary contribution mechanisms supported by tax incentives, such as those used in Australia, New Zealand (Kiwi Saver), and the United States (401k). In addition, LAC countries face an urgent challenge in curbing the growth of health care costs, while improving the quality of care. Efforts should focus on improving both the allocative and the technical efficiency of public health spending.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Jorge Augusto Paz

This paper describes one of the ways in which poverty and economic inequality is reproduced in Latin America. This study analyzed certain mechanisms of educational social exclusion among children attending the sixth grade of the primary education in 17 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. The study shows the intergenerational transmission of poverty and inequality through education is one of the mechanisms that slow convergence towards decent living standards, while uncovering one of the many processes of the violation of rights of children contemplated in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. On the other hand, this study seeks to identify relevant variables to enumerate public policy actions, such as Conditional Transfer Programs aimed at breaking the cycle of–or reducing the intensity of–the reproduction of the poverty and the inequality. To this end, the conditioning opportunities are distinguished (called "endowments") from those that operate independently, so that identical opportunities generate different results.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Cynthia Boruchowicz ◽  
Florencia Lopez Boo ◽  
Benjamin Roseth ◽  
Luis Tejerina

Abstract Given the rates of transmission of COVID-19, relying only on manual contact tracing might be infeasible to control the epidemic without sustained costly lockdowns or rapid vaccination efforts. In the first study of its kind in Latin America, we find through a phone survey of a nationally representative sample of ten countries that an opt-out regime (automatic installation) increases self-reported intention to accept a contact tracing app with exposure notification by 22 percentage points compared to an opt-in regime (voluntary installation). This effect is triple the size and of opposite sign of the effect found in Europe and the United States, potentially due to lower concerns regarding privacy and lower levels of interpersonal trust. We see that an opt-out regime is more effective in increasing willingness to accept for those who do not trust the government or do not use their smartphones for financial transactions. The local severity of the pandemic does not affect our results, but feeling personally at risk increases intent to accept such apps in general. These results can shed light on the use of default options not only for contact tracing apps but in public health overall in the context of a pandemic in Latin America.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 177-196
Author(s):  
Monica Hirst

As is the case with other regions, in Latin America and the Caribbean, multilateral peace missions are subordinated to norms and expectations of specific mandates. Yet, post-Cold War peace missions in Latin America and the Caribbean share circumstances that are unique to this region. This article seeks to offer a sequenced overview of three scenarios – Central America, Haiti and Colombia – to show how these circumstances interplay as shaping factors in regional peace missions. Three circumstances are highlighted: i) the strategic irrelevance of the region; ii) the preeminence of the United States in Latin America and the Caribbean; iii) the response capacity of Latin American governments. These three are addressed as the core cast of determinants in post-conflict contexts in Latin America and Caribbean. This article explores how these circumstances have adapted in time producing reiterative dynamics attuned to international and regional changing landscapes. Even though the Colombian experience should be considered “an open case”, its inclusion contributes to enrich this argument. Final reflections raise the question if these circumstances explain as well the failures and reversed expectations of regional peace processes.


1966 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Harnetty

It is now more than a decade since John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson first challenged the conventional interpretations of nineteenth-century imperial history and employed the term “The Imperialism of Free Trade” to describe the “ever-extending and intensifying development of overseas regions” — a term which characterizes British imperial policy in the middle decades of the last century. The general validity of this thesis has been illustrated by reference to British policies in India in this period. There was the extensive program of railway construction, financed by British capital at favorable rates of interest guaranteed by the Government of India. There was the manipulation of the Indian tariff in response to pressure from the Lancashire cotton manufacturers. There was the cotton improvement program, the object of which was to relieve Lancashire's dependence on the United States as the major source of its raw cotton. In this case, the desired object was not achieved, despite considerable effort and expenditure sustained over more than a decade. But the approach of civil war in America revived interest in India as an alternative source of supply, notwithstanding the many difficulties that stood in the way. Indian cotton was raised on small holdings as a secondary crop every third or fourth year; its quality was poor; climatic conditions were uncertain; demand was irregular; communications between the cotton-producing areas and the ports were bad; and trade was hampered by lack of a contract law and a bankruptcy act. The Lancashire cotton manufacturers demanded energetic action from the state in overcoming these difficulties.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


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