Churches and Human Rights in Latin America: Recent Trends in the Subcontinent

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian H. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
South American ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
The Past ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

Over the past fifteen years the military have seized power in most major South American countries, leaving only Colombia and Venezuela with democratic regimes. The armed forces claim that only they are capable of controlling the domestic violence and social disruptions which accompanied the rapid political and economic changes of the 1960s. This process of social conflict and subsequent military intervention has been especially notable in the countries of the subcontinent region—Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Uruguay.

scholarly journals Models of Modernization and geopolitical changes in Latin America

2016 ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
István Szilágy
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Past ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Radical Transformation

In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.

scholarly journals Introduction to the Armed Forces & Society Forum on Military Reserves in the “New Wars”

2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2199622
Author(s):  
Sergio Catignani ◽  
Nir Gazit ◽  
Eyal Ben-Ari
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Models ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
New Wars ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
Critical Perspectives

This Armed Forces & Society forum is dedicated to exploring recent trends in the characteristics of military reserves and of the changing character of reserve forces within the armed forces within the military, the civilian sphere, and in between them. To bring new and critical perspectives to the study of reserve forces and civil–military relations, this introduction and the five articles that follow draw on two organizing conceptual models: The first portrays reservists as transmigrants and focuses on the plural membership of reservists in the military and in civilian society and the “travel” between them. The second model focuses on the multiple formal and informal compacts (contracts, agreements, or pacts) between reservists and the military.

Personalist dictators and the choice of military intervention in civil conflicts

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adriana M. Boersner H.
Keyword(s):  
Personality Traits ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
World Politics ◽  
University Of Missouri ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
The Military

[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT AUTHOR'S REQUEST.] Are all personalist dictators equally prone to intervene in civil conflicts? The current bulk of work on authoritarianism and international relations shows that personalist autocrats are more prone to be hawkish in foreign policy when compared, for example, to military dictators. What is missing, however, is a better understanding as to whether different personalist dictators behave similarly to one another in world politics. In this study, I argue that not all personalist dictators behave in the same way on military intervention due to the interaction between their personality traits and the military capabilities available to them. Drawing on an original dataset on personalist dictators' personality traits, I employ leadership trait analysis - using 386,510 words of text and 1,580 documents from twenty dictators in the period between 1990 and 2009. I find that personality traits do indeed matter for leaders' choices to intervene militarily abroad. Specifically, I show that dictators' level of sensitivity to advice and information (conceptual complexity) in interaction with military capabilities is a significant factor shaping whether they send weapons or deploy troops into a civil conflict abroad. I illustrate my findings and the mechanisms with one case study: Hugo Chavez and his decision to support the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia -FARC).

scholarly journals The Militarization of Law Enforcement: Evidence from Latin America

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Flores-Macías ◽  
Jessica Zarkin
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Military Law ◽  
The Military

What are the political consequences of militarizing law enforcement? Across the world, law enforcement has become increasingly militarized over the last three decades, with civilian police operating more like armed forces and soldiers replacing civilian police in law enforcement tasks. Scholarly, policy, and journalistic attention has mostly focused on the first type, but has neglected the study of three main areas toward which we seek to contribute: 1) the constabularization of the military—i.e., when the armed forces take on the responsibilities of civilian law enforcement agencies, 2) the extent to which this process has taken place outside of the United States, and 3) its political consequences. Toward this end, we unpack the concept of militarized law enforcement, develop theoretical expectations about its political consequences, take stock of militarization in Latin America, and evaluate whether expectations have played out in the region. We show that the distinction between civilian and military law enforcement typical of democratic regimes has been severely blurred in the region. Further, we argue that the constabularization of the military has had important consequences for the quality of democracy in the region by undermining citizen security, human rights, police reform, and the legal order.

The South American Military and (Re)Democratization: Professional Thought and Self-Perception

1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick M. Nunn
Keyword(s):  
South American ◽  
Current Version ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
American Military ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
The Past ◽  
The North ◽  
Recent Representation ◽  
The Military

If a medal were to be struck in commemoration of Latin America's successful survival of the 20th century, la cava might bear a representation of democracy and el sello that of authoritarianism. These alternatives have characterized all attempts to arrive at political consensus for the past hundred years and more.The current version of the region's perpetual dichotomous nature has been called (re)democratization. In South America it has replaced professional militarism, the most recent representation of authoritarianism, and threatens to affect traditional democratic practices in countries spared the military incursions of the 1964-1989 quarter-century. To the north, (re)democratization challenges both traditional authoritarianism and Marxism-Leninism.(Re)democratization is a transitional process in which the polity shifts from one with minimal partisan and popular participation back to one based on (ever more maximized) pluralistic participation, usually characterized by meaningful elections, separation of state powers, constitutional order, rule of law, respect for human rights, and civilian regulation of armed force.

Class Conflict and Military Intervention in Uganda

1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 634-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Chick
Keyword(s):  
Recent Article ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Class Action ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Adequate Explanation ◽  
Class Interest ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Military ◽  
Common Action

In his recent article on ‘The Uganda Coup – class action by the military’ in this Journal, x, 1, May 1972, Dr Michael F. Lofchie points to two apparent paradoxes in the military takeover: Why did the army move against a regime to which it had previously been loyal? And why, in doing so, did it ally itself with the Ganda ‘civil service and coffee growing elite’ towards which it had shown nothing but hostility in the past? The only adequate explanation, we are told, is that these privileged groups were drawn together by a determination to defend their status against the threat implicit in President Obote's commitment to socialism. Confronted by egalitarian pressures they discovered a basis for common action in a class interest which transcended tribal rivalries.

Demilitarization after Central American Civil Wars

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams ◽  
J. Mark Ruhl
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Constant Feature ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

This chapter considers how the armed forces declined in power throughout Latin America in the early 1990s, but the processes of demilitarization in El Salvador and Guatemala were unique. While demilitarization followed civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala, these are the only two cases in Latin America in which the United Nations played a major role in brokering negotiated settlements to end the armed conflicts and in monitoring peace agreements that set in motion processes of demilitarization. In both countries political opposition to continued military domination, including armed insurgencies, was a constant feature from the 1960s onward. Moreover, economic elites who traditionally looked to the military to protect their business interests increasingly expressed concern about the liability of supporting a large, well-equipped military without a mission.

Threat Construction and Military Intervention in Internal Security: The Political Use of Terrorism and Drug Trafficking in Contemporary Argentina

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 10-24
Author(s):  
Jorge Battaglino
Keyword(s):  
Drug Trafficking ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Security Discourse ◽  
Copenhagen School ◽  
The Military

Argentina has a deeply rooted tradition of rejecting participation by the military in internal security and legislation that prohibits such involvement. The current construction of a threat from drug trafficking and terrorism and the proposal of intervention by the armed forces to contend with them is the result of a narrative justifying the implementation of various government policies. Exploration of the mechanism of discursive threat construction, or securitization, from the critical perspective of the Copenhagen School demonstrates how security discourse and practices allow actors and institutions to mobilize resources, control agendas, and use violence with greater discretion. Argentina tiene una arraigada tradición de rechazo a la participación de los militares en temas de seguridad interna y posee, además, una legislación que prohíbe tal involucramiento. La construcción actual de la amenaza del narcotráfico y el terrorismo y la propuesta de intervención de las fuerzas armadas para enfrentarlas son el resultado de un discurso que es funcional a la implementación de distintas políticas por parte del gobierno. Una examinación de la dinámica de la construcción discursiva de la amenaza, o la securitización, a partir de la perspectiva crítica de la Escuela Copenhague evidencia cómo el discurso y las prácticas de la seguridad permiten a actores e instituciones movilizar recursos, controlar agendas y utilizar la violencia con mayor discrecionalidad.

scholarly journals THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE SERBIAN ARMY: CURRENT STATE OF AFFAIRS AND PERSPECTIVES

2019 ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Filip Mirić
Keyword(s):  
Gender Identity ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Current State ◽  
The First World War ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

The military profession has always been regarded as a typical male profession. This understanding is the result of numerous prejudices in the ability of women to adequately respond to all the challenges that they carry with this service. In the past, it seemed that there was no place for women in the Serbian Army. Women who wanted to serve their homeland in this way were forced to conceal their gender identity. This is also evidenced by the example of the First World War hero Milunka Savić, whose true identity probably remained undetected if she was not wounded. The paper deals with the position of women in the Serbian Army nowtodays, the futures they face and the perspectives for their resolution. The Serbian Armed Forces have made an important step towards greater involvement of women in their ranks, when it is approved that female can be engaged in the duties of officers, non-commissioned officers and professional soldiers in the same way as men. The aim of the paper is to point out the directions of the development of the position of women in the Serbian Army, especially considering the process of its professionalisation.

scholarly journals How do you spell “freedom”? Narratives about the 25 April 1974 Revolution in the Brazilian press

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 367-388
Author(s):  
Camila Garcia Kieling
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Imagination ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

This paper proposes a recomposition of the intrigue of journalistic narratives on the Revolution of April 25, 1974 in Portugal based on the coverage of two Brazilian newspapers: O Estado de S. Paulo and Jornal do Brasil. The journalistic narrative is understood as a time orderer in the contemporaneity, expressing a “generalized circulation of historical perception” (Nora, 1979, p. 180), mobilized by the emergence of a new phenomenon: the event. The unusual coup d’état in Portugal stirred the world’s political imagination, reviving confrontations between left and right. At that moment, in Brazil, the military dictatorship completed 10 years and the fourth president of the Armed Forces was beginning its mandate. Narratives are analyzed from different points of view: the organization of facts in time, the construction of characters, projections for the future, or the re-signification of the past.

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