Improving the State Legislature

1967 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 719
Author(s):  
Abner J. Mikva
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Haynes-Maslow ◽  
Stephanie B. Jilcott Pitts ◽  
Kathryn A. Boys ◽  
Jared T. McGuirt ◽  
Sheila Fleischhacker ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The North Carolina Healthy Food Small Retailer Program (NC HFSRP) was established through a policy passed by the state legislature to provide funding for small food retailers located in food deserts with the goal of increasing access to and sales of healthy foods and beverages among local residents. The purpose of this study was to qualitatively examine perceptions of the NC HFSRP among store customers. Methods Qualitative interviews were conducted with 29 customers from five NC HFSRP stores in food deserts across eastern NC. Interview questions were related to shoppers’ food and beverage purchases at NC HFSRP stores, whether they had noticed any in-store efforts to promote healthier foods and beverages, their suggestions for promoting healthier foods and beverages, their familiarity with and support of the NC HFSRP, and how their shopping and consumption habits had changed since implementation of the NC HFSRP. A codebook was developed based on deductive (from the interview guide questions) and inductive (emerged from the data) codes and operational definitions. Verbatim transcripts were double-coded and a thematic analysis was conducted based on code frequency, and depth of participant responses for each code. Results Although very few participants were aware of the NC HFSRP legislation, they recognized changes within the store. Customers noted that the provision of healthier foods and beverages in the store had encouraged them to make healthier purchase and consumption choices. When a description of the NC HFSRP was provided to them, all participants were supportive of the state-funded program. Participants discussed program benefits including improving food access in low-income and/or rural areas and making healthy choices easier for youth and for those most at risk of diet-related chronic diseases. Conclusions Findings can inform future healthy corner store initiatives in terms of framing a rationale for funding or policies by focusing on increased food access among vulnerable populations.


2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brett H. Smith

In the spring of 1868, sixty-eight students gathered to become the first matriculants of the Illinois Industrial University. They had responded to a summons by the state legislature to engage in a bold new mission of publicly funded mechanical and industrial education, a move which would, Illinoisans hoped, bring lavish prosperity to their fellow citizens and themselves. Like other colleges of the period, utilitarian and democratic rationales motivated the I. I. U. leadership to establish their school. Quoting their commission by the Morrill Act, the trustees said the university's “chief aim” was to educate “the industrial classes” by teaching “such branches of learning as are related to Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts, and Military Tactics, without excluding other scientific and classical studies.” And yet, there was an even more radical and compelling vision among the I.I.U. faithful, one which was distinctively theological: “The hope of the Trustees and Faculty,” they said, “is that the Institution will produce … men of Christian culture … able and willing to lend a helping hand in all the great practical enterprises of this most practical age.”


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 367
Author(s):  
Stephen K. Bailey ◽  
Mike M. Milstein ◽  
Robert E. Jennings

Significance National and state leaders of his Democratic Party had been pressing Cuomo to resign since last week’s publication of a report from State Attorney-General Letitia James detailing his sexual harassment of eleven women, including state employees. Cuomo’s impeachment by the state legislature was looking all but certain by the time he resigned. Impacts Prosecutors in five New York State counties will continue to pursue separate criminal investigations despite Cuomo’s resignation. The State Assembly may complete the impeachment process, despite Cuomo’s resignation, in order to prevent him from running again. Cuomo will continue to talk up his liberal polices, his opposition to Donald Trump, and his leadership during the pandemic.


Author(s):  
Marius M. Carriere

This chapter discusses the continued Know Nothing election setbacks in the mid to late 1850s. However, the chapter emphasizes the belief that only the Know Nothings, according to many members, could avoid the sectional tension of the 1850s. While the state elections proved futile for the Know Nothings, the party continued to do well in Greater New Orleans. The chapter also continues to describe how Louisiana Democrats branded the Know Nothings as proscriptionists and abolitionists. The presidential election of 1860 is highlighted in this chapter with sectional stress assuming more importance than native Americanism. The ultimate failure of the Know Nothings in the state follows the party’s 1860 presidential election defeat and its gubernatorial defeat in 1857. Finally, the chapter summarizes how inexperience and lack of Know Nothing unity adversely affected the Know Nothings in these elections, as well as in the state legislature.


Author(s):  
Michael V. Metz

Stoddard, president of the university from 1946 to 1953, was a controversial man, an East Coaster, a liberal, and an internationalist. Through much of his tenure he had difficult relations with both the university’s board of trustees and the state legislature, and he also faced opposition from conservative faculty at UI. A scandal over a phony cancer cure brought undesired publicity to the school and was the last in a series of controversies that led to his dismissal by the board in a late-night Illini Union meeting.


Bad Faith ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 21-35
Author(s):  
Andrew Feffer

This chapter covers the first public hearings of the Rapp-Coudert investigation, held in December 1940 and directed by liberal Paul Windels, protégé of reformer and Fusion activist Judge Samuel Seabury. Though challenged by the teachers unions (Locals 5 and 537 of the American Federation of Teachers) and civil libertarians, Windels unfolded a sophisticated witch-hunt based on the investigative powers of the state legislature. Violating fundamental constitutional rights, including those protected by the First and Fifth Amendments, Windels forced teachers to lie about their political associations in order to avoid fingering friends and colleagues while under oath. Meanwhile, Windels built a case against the Communist party based on his and others misrepresentations—a “countersubversive” myth that teachers used their classrooms to propagandize for the party and to subvert American democracy


2021 ◽  
pp. 168-190
Author(s):  
Brad Edmondson

This chapter tells the story of how the early Adirondack Park Agency (APA) struggled to meet the state's assignments. It details what the state legislature gave to the early APA: an extremely ambitious to-do list and a ridiculously small budget. Much of the work depended on the men who had also worked for the Temporary Study Commission (TSC). The chapter analyses the story of George Davis who turned the idea for his dissertation into a big map that transformed life in the North Country. Davis's passion was protecting land that he thought should remain free of human impact. His thesis would compile data to show which Adirondack lands were suitable for development and which should remain undisturbed. The chapter then shifts with the APA chairman, Richard Lawrence who overcame opposition on several fronts as he struggled to maintain a working majority of board members, and the tireless work of Peter Paine, a well-connected lawyer, who argued stridently for the two plans. Ultimately, the chapter explains the significance of the APA map project. It argues that map making was important because the legal requirements for the land use plan were unusual, as most land use laws use text to describe the boundary lines of the area being regulated.


Author(s):  
Kurt X. Metzmeier

James G. Dana was a politically attuned attorney and experienced newspaper editor. His paper had once owned the contract to publish the acts and journals of the state legislature. Dana was one of many educated easterners who immigrated to Kentucky to find their fortunes in the professions and in politics. The New Hampshire–born Dana maintained a law office in Frankfort while he edited the Commentator, the unabashed defender of the Old Court and Henry Clay, as well a spirited adversary of Amos Kendell’s Western Argus and the presidential ambitions of Andrew Jackson. In 1833 Dana would combine his two professions and begin his service as reporter of the Court of Appeals, eventually producing nine high-quality volumes.


Author(s):  
James P. Cousins

The Panic of 1819 crippled America’s economy, forced endless business closures, and left many without the ability to repay loans. In Kentucky, the Debt Relief Party emerged and soon dominated both houses of the state legislature. A series of controversial legislative reforms followed, and the state was soon divided between competing visions of reform. The so-called relief controversy brought new and particularly unwelcome attention to Horace and his university; politically charged attacks against him manifested in charges of heterodoxy, corruption, and vice. This chapter examines the ensuing controversy and describes Presbyterian-backed efforts to dislodge Horace from the presidency.


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