Grass Roots Democracy

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Won ◽  
In-Hwan Oh
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Leadership Accountability ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Leadership Structure ◽  
Transport Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
Labor Leaders

This is a sample study of two chapters of the Korean Automobile and Transport Workers' Union (KATWU), located in the capitol city of Seoul, Korea. The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether the membership of the union had lost their zest for democratic governance within the union organization in light of the government's restrictive control of union activities and the bureaucratization of the organization. Results of the survey reveal that the rank and file of KATWU have been effectively using the procedural guarantees imposed by the government even in the absence of a formalized party system. The rank and file have been active in the election process and by their participation in the internal government of the union, have established control of the leadership structure. Without a true adversarial relationship with management and with the intrusion of government in the affairs of labor and management, it is questionable whether labor leaders can fully exercise the power of force they have behind them. In this sense, accountability is difficult to test. Nevertheless, it is apparent that the rank and file have established a pattern of leadership accountability by retaining control of the leadership structure.

scholarly journals KELOMPOK KEPENTINGAN (INTEREST GROUP), KEKUASAAN DAN KEDUDUKANNYA DALAM SISTEM POLITIK

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Maiwan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Rapid Expansion ◽  
Media Campaigns ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Strategic Position ◽  
The Government

The interest groups have a strategic position in society as a liaison between the community and government. Its presence to dynamic of political system. There are several types of interest groups, namely: Anomic groups; nonassosiasional; institutional; associational. The emergence of interest groups are going along with the rapid expansion of government's role in all areas of life. When expressing their interest to the government, interest groups use two ways: First, sell the issue to the political parties. Second, direct express their aspirations to the government. The method used is through; lobbying, mass media campaigns, as well as grass-roots pressure. The success to influence of the government depend on some aspects such as: Political culture, institutional structure, character and the party system, character and style in public policy.

Educative Interventions to Combat Misinformation: Evidence from a Field Experiment in India

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
SUMITRA BADRINATHAN
Keyword(s):  
Field Experiment ◽  
Media Literacy ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Literacy Intervention ◽  
Pedagogical Intervention ◽  
Learning Module ◽  
Low Education ◽  
Ruling Party

Misinformation makes democratic governance harder, especially in developing countries. Despite its real-world import, little is known about how to combat misinformation outside of the United States, particularly in places with low education, accelerating Internet access, and encrypted information sharing. This study uses a field experiment in India to test the efficacy of a pedagogical intervention on respondents’ ability to identify misinformation during the 2019 elections (N = 1,224). Treated respondents received hour-long in-person media literacy training in which enumerators discussed inoculation strategies, corrections, and the importance of verifying misinformation, all in a coherent learning module. Receiving this hour-long media literacy intervention did not significantly increase respondents’ ability to identify misinformation on average. However, treated respondents who support the ruling party became significantly less able to identify pro-attitudinal stories. These findings point to the resilience of misinformation in India and the presence of motivated reasoning in a traditionally nonideological party system.

Portugal: 19 July 1987

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Local Level ◽  
National Level ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Public Companies ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Economic Regime

THE PORTUGUESE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 19 JULY 1987 initiated a profound change in the Portuguese party system and in the system of government. From 1974 onwards, Portugal had moved peacefully towards a democratic political system, enshrined in the 1976 Constitution. This evolution lasted about eight years and culminated in the revision of the Constitution in 1982. From 1982 onwards the present political regime has been a democratic one, coexisting with a capitalist economic regime attenuated by state monopoly in key sectors and by public companies which were nationalized between 1974 and 1976. It is also since 1982 that the system of government has been semi-presidential. There is pure representativeness as referendums do not exist at national level and have never been regulated at local level. But the government is semi-presidential in the sense that, owing to French influence, it attempts to balance Parliament with the election of the President of the Republic by direct and universal suffrage.

scholarly journals Efektivitas Program Pemberdayaan Usaha Garam Rakyat di Desa Losarang, Indramayu

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-154
Author(s):  
Santoso Budi Widiarto ◽  
Musa Hubeis ◽  
Komar Sumantadinata
Keyword(s):  
Gap Analysis ◽  
Sea Water ◽  
Selling Price ◽  
Snowball Sampling ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Salt Production ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Transport Workers ◽  
Business Profit ◽  
The Government

An ironic thing that Indonesia as maritime country have insufficiency salt problem. Salt is strategic commodities that can be easily produced by evaporation of sea water and policy salts have been issued since the Dutch colonial era. In 2011 the Government of Indonesia make toward self sufficiency salt policy. This research was aimed to analyze the implementation efectivity of Salt Business Empowerment Program (Pemberdayaan Usaha Garam Rakyat or PUGAR). The research design used purposive and snowball sampling to select 70 respondents in Losarang Village at Indramayu. The data were analyzed by using Quantitative Analysis, Qualitative Analysis, SWOT and MAHP. The result showed PUGAR in Losarang, Indramayu implemented with effectiveness. This is indicated by salt production target achieved and increasing the salt farmer welfare. Implementation PUGAR make salt productivity in Losarang 90,43 ton/ha, increasing salt farmer income, empower 17 the People's Business Group Salt (Kelompok Usaha Garam Rakyat or KUGAR) with the amount of 170 salt farmers, give technological innovation and quality salt production and give job for 778 peoples as salt farmers, farm workers and transport workers. Obtained result IFE of salt bussiness is 2,608 and EFE is 2,673. Moreover the research calculate salt business feasibility that known from B/C ratio > 1, business profit margin, appropriate salt area owned by farmers, business gap analysis of salt and break even analysis. Break even analysis to determine the selling price of the large volume of salt and salt production business people to reach the point of no profit and no loss (break even). Key words: Empowerment, Farmers, Government, PUGAR, Salt, Workers

scholarly journals Mengawal Anggota Legislatif Mewujudkan Pemerintahan yang Bersih*

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 634
Author(s):  
M Muslih
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Election Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legislative Body ◽  
Election Process ◽  
Professional Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Legislative Election

Legislative members are partners as well as balancing the government in regulating and controlling the government, therefore it is necessary to have a "presence" of honest and clean professional legislators. Reality shows that the professionalism of some legislators still disappoints some of their constituents. For this reason, it is necessary to think about how to escort members of the legislative body in order to realize a clean government. To meet these expectations an election process is needed that can guarantee the implementation of an honest and fair election process. In order to realize the ideal above, the presence of a good legislative Election Law, a professional law enforcement apparatus, and a culture of high legal awareness from the public in exercising their voting rights.

scholarly journals Narrativas de la legalidad en el hiperpresidencialismo constitucionalizado ecuatoriano = Narratives of legality in the Ecuadorian constitutionalized hyper-presidentialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Efrén Ernesto Guerrero Salgado
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Public Activity ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Magna Carta ◽  
The Government ◽  
Electoral Power ◽  
Present Text

Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amparado por elecciones populares que legitiman los cambios realizados por el Gobierno. En el caso ecuatoriano, lo que sucedió fue una disolución de la legalidad mediante la acción mediática, en el que la palabra del presidente no sólo fue regla de conducta, sino también una percepción de que la actividad pública no puede ser discutida, rebasando sus competencias constitucionalmente establecidas. El presente texto, busca explorar los mecanismos de existencia de un discurso decisionista en el periodo de gobierno 2013-2017 y sus consecuencias en la gobernabilidad democrática, para demostrar que la existencia de una autoridad que escape del poder del Estado sólo puede ser contenida por la norma y la fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas, capaces de mejorar la intensidad de la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Hiperpresidencialismo, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, legalidad.Abstract: The arrival to power of Rafael Correa in 2007 involved various changes not only ideological but also political, channeled through a Constituent Assembly to conform to the precepts of the so-called "Citizen Revolution". The new Magna Carta established a greater number of executive controls and created new functions, such as the Electoral Power and Transparency and Social Control, which would also revolve around the decisions of the incumbent president. This, combined with the personality of Correa, generated a scenario of hyper-presidentialism, supported by popular elections that legitimize the changes made by the government. In the Ecuadorian case, what happened was a dissolution of legality through media action, in which the president's word was not only a rule of conduct, but also a perception that public activity cannot be discussed, exceeding its Constitutionally established competences. The present text, seeks to explore the mechanisms of existence of a decisionist discourse in the period of government 2013-2017 and its consequences in democratic governance, to demonstrate that the existence of an authority that escapes the power of the State can only be contained by the norm and the strength of democratic institutions, capable of improving the intensity of citizenship.Keywords: Hyperpresidencialism, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, Constitution, legality. 

scholarly journals Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w polskim systemie partyjnym (przyczynek do dyskusji o systemotwórczej roli partii)

2018 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Andrzej ANTSZEWSKI
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
The Status ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Government

Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.

Minderheitsregierung im Bund? Lehren zum Oppositionsverhalten aus Schweden

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-158
Author(s):  
Melanie Müller ◽  
Marcus Höreth
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
Minority Government ◽  
Adequate Understanding ◽  
Alternative Function ◽  
The Government ◽  
German Bundestag ◽  
Western Democracies ◽  
Opposition Parties

Government stability in the German Bundestag is traditionally tied to a parliamentary majority and an opposition minority . Nonetheless, minority governments in other Western democracies show that, despite the lack of a parliamentary majority, they govern stable and effectively together with the opposition . In this article, on the Swedish case, we examine how opposition parties in parliament are involved in the legislative process in a minority government and what patterns they follow in order to maintain governmental stability without neglecting their alternative function . The paper combines theoretical and concep­tual considerations on the adequate understanding of the opposition in the Federal Repub­lic of Germany with empirical findings on cooperation and conflicts between opposition party groups and minority governments . The results show that opposition parties strategi­cally switch between confrontational (Westminster-style) and consensual patterns of behav­ior (republican) . Through this flexible majority finding, opposition parties in parliament can alternately present themselves as policymakers or as an alternative counterpart to the government . This opposition behavior is functionally adequate under the conditions of a pluralized and fragmented party system and the resulting difficulties in forming a stable government majority .

E-Government

2011 ◽  
pp. 1892-1908
Author(s):  
Leo Tan Wee Hin ◽  
R. Subramaniam
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Single Entry ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Web

The insertion of an e-government in the public administration infrastructure of Singapore has spawned a bureaucratic renaissance with wide-ranging ramifications in various facets of society. A single entry portal on the Web links citizens to all the government agencies as well as opens a gateway to a plethora of services needed by citizens and businesses. The process of democratic governance has been significantly strengthened with the entrenching of the e-government. This chapter elaborates on some of the important implementation policies and best practices of the Singapore experience with e-government.

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