The Johnson-Chesterfield Relationship: A New Hypothesis

PMLA ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Korshin

To understand the ironic force of Johnson's 1755 letter to the Earl of Chesterfield, we must appreciate not only their personal relationship, centered in 1746-48, and Chesterfield's indirect attempt to sponsor the Dictionary in 1754, but their literary and political relationship as well. Both men played a complex role in the politics of the 1737-44 period, Chesterfield as a leading member of the opposition, Johnson as political journalist. During these years, Johnson used Chesterfield's 1737 speech against the Playhouse Bill as basis for some arguments in his Compleat Vindication of the Licensers of the Stage (1739), and later wrote Chesterfield's part in a number of “Parliamentary Debates.” Though Johnson favored the opposition position before 1740, in his “Debates,” under the requirement of appearing impartial, he often created for opposition speakers, especially Chesterfield, ironic arguments which redound to their discredit. Johnson's ability as ironist was considerable: comparison of the speeches he wrote for Chesterfield with collateral sources for these debates reveals that he intensified Chesterfield's opposition negativeness by increasing his ironical attacks upon the ministry in power. The effect is to satirize Chesterfield, rendering him ineffectual, divisive, and ridiculous through the creation of a literary and political persona. It is unlikely that Johnson forgot this persona during his hopeful personal relationship with and later neglect by Chesterfield. When the opportunity arose in 1755 for Johnson to address Chesterfield personally again, he fortified the “civil irony” of his celebrated letter with an ironic attack which recalls, and was perhaps influenced by, the satiric criticism he had leveled against Chesterfield through similar ironic techniques a dozen years earlier in the “Parliamentary Debates.”

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-227
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In dit eerste deel van zijn uiteenzetting poneert Lode Wils de door zijn bronnen onderbouwde stelling dat het ontstaan van de Belgische (natie)staat de feitelijke slotfase was van een passage van de protonatie(s) in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie. Een passage die tijdens de late twintiger jaren van de negentiende eeuw bovendien sterk gekruid werd door het Belgisch 'wij'-denken dat meer en meer het cement ging vormen in de parlementaire en buitenparlementaire contestatie tegen het Hollandse regime.Wils verbindt in zijn uiteenzetting zijn eigen onderzoek omtrent de "cruciale parlementaire debatten in de jaren 1827-1830" aan zijn lectuur van de wetenschappelijke literatuur die zowel in het Noorden als in het Zuiden werd gewijd aan die problematiek, in bijzonderheid de doctoraalstudie L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830 van de UCL-historiograaf Sébastien Dubois. Betekenisvol is overigens de frase van Wils waarin hij stelt dat Dubois zich "na het doorworstelen van bijna 2000 archiefbundels, ergert aan de voorstelling alsof niet het koninkrijk, maar 'België' geschapen werd in 1830."________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state [part I]In this first part of his discourse Lode Wils puts forward the thesis corroborated by his sources that the creation of the Belgian (nation)state was in fact the final phase of a transition from the pre-nation(s) of the Southern Netherlands through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution. During the late nineteen twenties this transition was particularly marked by the Belgian “we-thinking” that gradually came to be the binding factor in the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary protest against the Dutch regime.  In his argument Wils connects his own research into the “crucial parliamentary debates during the period of 1827-1830” to his reading of the scientific literature, which was dedicated to that issue both in the North and in the South, in particular to the doctoral dissertation by the UCL historiographer Sébastien Dubois L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830  (The invention of Belgium. Genesis of a Nation State: 1648-1830). We note in particular Will’s remark that Dubois “after having waded through almost 2000 archival volumes is irritated by the conception that 1830 saw the creation not of the kingdom but of ‘Belgium’.”


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Simonenko ◽  

Introduction. The paper is devoted to the participation of Canada in the creation and activities of the Imperial War Cabinet and two Imperial War Conferences of 1917 and 1918 to explain the evolution of the foreign and political status of Canada as a part of the British Empire after the end of the War. Methods and materials. The paper is based on the British and Canadian Parliamentary Debates, Reports, Minutes of Proceedings and Meetings of the Imperial War Conferences 1917/1918 and the Imperial War Cabinet. To study them, it uses the method of historical criticism of sources. The author also uses the historical-genetic, comparative and the narrative methods to investigate the causes, the process of creating and activities of imperial military bodies for the unified management of the war. Analysis. The paper analyzes the reasons for the creation of imperial military organizations in the British Empire during the war. It reveals the organizational and functional differences between the two imperial military bodies: Cabinet and Conference. The author studies the activities of imperial military bodies during the war in detail, determines the role of the Canadian delegation in this process. The article analyzes the decisions of the imperial military bodies, reveals their domestic and foreign policy consequences for Dominion of Canada. Results. Canada’s active participation in the creation and activities of the imperial military bodies during the First World War was one of the factors in the transformation of the Empire into the Commonwealth of Nations, the formation of its own national identity, political and foreign independence within the Empire.


Legal Studies ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela R Ferguson

Legislation has been enacted in both England/Wales and Scotland which criminalises smoking in certain places. This paper uses these prohibitions as a way of exploring two prominent theories of criminalisation which were employed in the parliamentary debates on the legislation, namely legal paternalism and the liberal ‘harm principle’. The paper argues that the creation of these offences cannot be justified by paternalism, and that the risk of harm to non-smokers from ‘passive smoking’is a preferable justification. This latter rationale could be used in support of more extensive smoking prohibitions in the future. The paper recognises the desire of many to limit the use of the criminal sanction and concludes by suggesting that unwarranted criminalisation can only be avoided if legislatures proposing new offences clearly articulate their reasons for believing that the criminal law is the best mechanism for reducing or deterring the conduct at issue, and demonstrate that the behaviour cannot adequately be deterred by non-criminal measures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (34) ◽  
pp. 17-23
Author(s):  
Roman Vasko ◽  
Alla Korolyova ◽  
Tetiana Tolcheyeva ◽  
Yan Kapranov

The article discusses a new hypothesis of coevolutionary-macromutational origin of human language, through the prism of which this planetary-noospheric phenomenon is proposed to be considered as a natural artifact of holisticsynergetic coevolution of nature, society and culture. The following assumption has been suggested: the proposed hypothetical idea is a resonance of the former two philosophical theories: the fusion theory and the thesis theory, which were regarded by scientists either as natural or artificial (conventional / conditional) nature of human language. At the same time, they did not completely deny the origin of the human language as a result of various types of activities. The represented arguments helped to confirm the views of anthropologists, culturologists and other scholars. The creation of various artifacts (tangible and intangible) took place in all stages of evolution: geogenesis – biogenesis – psychogenesis – anthropogenesis and at a subsequent stage of Homo sapiens. However, language as the most important product of global evolutionism was formed at the stage of anthropogenesis, in particular as a corollary to the molecular mutations of human brain. The term “coevolution” has been transferred to the sphere of linguoanthropogenesis. In conjunction with the hypothesis of macromutation the natural artifact origin of human language is consistently explained under the scenario of biogenesis – sociogenesis – culturogenesis. The essence of the hypothetical result is that a qualitatively new driving force for the continuation of this scenario can be noospherogenesis, which is determined by historical and cultural development of mankind, its activities in all spheres of life and, most importantly, by the planetary high-tech mind.


2018 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 118-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heath Schultz

“Thin Edge of Barbwire,” a reference to Gloria Anzaldúa’s poetry, doubles as the title of this paper and a collaborative art project undertaken by university art students resulting in the creation of a 30’ wall. This project was, in effect, a response to the Trump presidency and students’ fear of increased violence on the border. This paper describes in detail the month-long unit that included readings, dialog, and creative responses to recent histories of the border and students’ personal relationship to violence on the border. I use the project as a case study to consider antiracist pedagogies, confronting white-supremacy in the classroom, and successes and failures of the project. Finally, I reflect broadly on the role of creative and artistic response to political crises. 


Horizons ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-295
Author(s):  
M. Dennis Hamm

The Victorian poet Gerard Manley Hopkins already demonstrated a special sensitivity to nature as a young Anglican. But his conversion to Catholicism, followed by his formation as a Jesuit, nurtured a creation spirituality that moved him from the rather cold view of the cosmos typical of his Victorian era to a vibrant sense of God intimately revealed in nature. This new sense of being a creature involved in an intimate personal relationship with the Creator comes from Hopkins' appropriation of the creation spirituality of Ignatius of Loyola. After reviewing the evolution of worldviews from the medieval synthesis melded with the Newtonian mechanical model (the Victorian picture) to our contemporary cosmic “story,” this article then samples poems that illustrate the creation spirituality that Hopkins absorbed from Ignatius' vision. This vision is remarkably in tune with the new sense of the place of the human creature in the cosmic story that the sciences now tell regarding the emergence of matter, life, and persons.


Pedagogika ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 135 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-51
Author(s):  
Saulius Vaivada ◽  
Vilma Žydžiūnaitė

The article answers the research question „What kind of multi-component content emerges when the person is creating a constructive relationship with the self and others when s/he chooses a healthy lifestyle?“ through qualitative empirical study. Findings led to the conclusion that results of the creation of a personal relationship by choosing a healthy lifestyle are the transformations of the personality and quality of life, which are conditioned by personal change in the person’s becoming and the promotion of inner motivation.


1975 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 369-382
Author(s):  
D. W. Bebbington

Nonconformists had an attitude of veneration for Gladstone. They admired his political skills; they were grateful for the legislative benefits he had brought them like the abolition of compulsory church rates and the opening of higher degrees at the ancient universities; and they were roused by his displays of oratorical power. Yet their respect for Gladstone went far beyond what was due to the able leader of a political party. There was amongst nonconformists by 1890 what a correspondent of The Times called a ‘fascination, amounting to fetishism, of the great name and personality of Mr Gladstone.’ This was not primarily a result of sympathy in political policy, despite a general concurrence of nonconformists with Gladstone in the principles of peace, retrenchment and reform. In many other areas of policy there was disagreement. The overriding aim of political dissent, the aim of religious equality, was not shared by Gladstone; he was usually absent from parliamentary debates on the contagious diseases acts against which nonconformist feeling was high; and as temperance political pressure gathered momentum among nonconformists in the later years of his life, Gladstone stood aside. Nonconformists were always more wholeheartedly behind Gladstone in opposition, when he was denouncing the wrongs of conservative administrations, than behind Gladstone in office, when he was ignoring the wishes of nonconformist electors. Yet, despite policy differences, from at least 1868 until Gladstone’s death thirty years later nonconformists as a whole were enthusiastic Gladstonians, supporters of the man. The explanation lies in the fact that undergirding the political relationship was a religious affinity. At a meeting of ten leading nonconformist ministers in 1889, according to the diary of the baptist John Clifford, when the prospects of the liberal party were under discussion, ‘the conversation turned chiefly on the religious fibre of the prospective leaders. Suppose Gladstone gone, what have we to look to? The outlook was thought to be very unpromising.’ It was the ‘religious fibre’ of Gladstone that brought him esteem. It was primarily religion that bound the nonconformists in personal loyalty to Gladstone.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefen Beeler-Duden ◽  
Meltem Yucel ◽  
Amrisha Vaish

Abstract Tomasello offers a compelling account of the emergence of humans’ sense of obligation. We suggest that more needs to be said about the role of affect in the creation of obligations. We also argue that positive emotions such as gratitude evolved to encourage individuals to fulfill cooperative obligations without the negative quality that Tomasello proposes is inherent in obligations.


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