The Mande Creation Myth

Africa ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Germaine Dieterlen
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Common Stock ◽  
French West Africa ◽  
Creation Myth ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
Upper Volta

Opening ParagraphIn the course of the investigations carried out by the Missions Griaule in French West Africa during several decades, our attention has been drawn to the fact that numerous populations in the French Sudan and Upper Volta claimed to be descended from a common stock located in Mande. Mande is the traditional centre of the ancient Keita empire (called by the Arabs the Mali empire), which was founded in the thirteenth century by Soundiata Keita. The cultural centre of this area today is Kangaba, which the inhabitants call Kaba. A list of the peoples in West Africa who claim to have come from Mande has been drawn up and published.

Kinship, Emigration, and Trade Partnership among the Lebanese of West Africa

Africa ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fuad I. Khuri
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Greek Orthodox ◽  
Kinship Structure ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
Kinship Ties ◽  
Upper Volta

Opening ParagraphThis article describes the kinship structure of some Lebanese communities in West Africa, and the resemblances they bear to the communities from which they originated in Lebanon. It also shows the extent to which kinship ties promote emigration, and the kind of trade partnership normally practised by kinsmen. Two communities are considered: the Greek Orthodox community in Ouagadougou (Upper Volta), and the Shi'ite Muslim community in Magburaka (Sierra Leone).

The Quranic school farm and child labour in Upper Volta

Africa ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahir Şaul
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Agricultural Production ◽  
Islamic Education ◽  
Dual Function ◽  
Large Fire ◽  
Islamic History ◽  
Farm Production ◽  
Opening Paragraph ◽  
Rural Institutions ◽  
Upper Volta

Opening ParagraphOn his way back from his first travels to the interior of the Gambia, Mungo Park describes a ‘schoolmaster’ who entertained him in the Mandingo country while his principal host was on a slave purchasing expedition. The school of this master consisted of seventeen boys who ‘always had their lessons by the light of a large fire before daybreak and again late in the evening’ and who ‘were employed in planting corn, bringing firewood, and in other servile offices, through the day’ (Park, 1799: 313–14). Such rural institutions combining elementary Islamic education and farm production must then have existed in the coastal areas of West Africa for at least two centuries, and spread to other parts of Africa as a result of Islamic expansion. They were agents of proselytization and further Islamization. Consequently Quranic schools are often discussed primarily in their relation to Islamic history. In the present day, however, they continue in some areas as viable alternatives to western-style schools and as units of agricultural production. This paper, which stems from research I conducted in the southern part of central Upper Volta on household farms and wealth stratification, underscores the dual function of these farm schools.

1787–1887–1987: reflections on a Sierra Leone bicentenary

Africa ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 411-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Fyfe
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Forest Belt ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Language Pattern ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Opening Paragraph

Opening ParagraphSeen in the widest perspective, 1787 is only one date among the uncounted tens, perhaps hundreds, of thousands of years during which the present Sierra Leone has been inhabited. Archaeologists have done disappointingly little work there. But it is clear from their findings (and by implication from findings in the rest of forest-belt West Africa) that people have lived there a very long time. Though traditional historiography always tends to present the peoples of Sierra Leone as immigrants from somewhere else, the language pattern suggests continuous occupation over a very long period. As Paul Hair (1967) has shown, there has been a striking linguistic continuity in coastal West Africa since the fifteenth century. Nor is there evidence to suggest that before that period stability and continuity were not the norm.

The Ecology of epidemic Sleeping Sickness. I.—The Significance of Location

1951 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 427-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. R. S. Morris
Keyword(s):  
West Africa ◽  
Intrinsic Value ◽  
Sleeping Sickness ◽  
Control Measures ◽  
Tsetse Flies ◽  
Linear Distribution ◽  
Trade Routes ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
Upper Volta

A combination of historical, geographical, and epidemiological studies has given sufficient insight into the ecology of sleeping sickness to enable the main factors influencing the development and spread of an epidemic to be traced.The evidence shows that in West Africa sleeping sickness is not primarily a disease of the forest, where tsetse flies are most abundant, but belongs essentially to the dry country in the north of the savanna woodland zone, where the earliest occurrences and severest outbreaks have been located.The first mention of sleeping sickness comes from the upper Niger and dates back to the 14th century. By the beginning of the present century intense though localised epidemics were devastating parts of the Mossi, Grounsi and Lobi country of the upper Volta rivers. At this time the disease was unknown on the coast and of sporadic occurrence only in the forest. A severe trans-Volta epidemic covering 60,000 square miles, developed between 1924 and 1940, but was confined to the north of the inland savanna zone with nothing comparable in the forest.The epidemic spread in three principal ways : (1) Outwards from original foci of infection because of the dynamic nature of the disease. This produced a concentration of infection around headwaters, a feature characteristic of advanced epidemics. (2) Through the agency of travellers, originally from north to south but subsequently in both directions : a rapid method of spread producing linear distribution of infection along trade routes. The tempo was greatly increased on the pacification and development of West Africa after 1900. (3) A gradual southward shift in the main epidemic zone appears to be resulting from a long-term change in the African climate which is combining with man's activities to produce a southerly extension of xerophytic vegetation types and a regression of forest.The most important spread was that caused by the trading caravans, more especially the cola traders, who have been coming down to the cola-nut areas in the Ashanti forest from the big markets on the Niger and Upper Volta since the 11th century. The caravans were formerly very large, up to one or two thousand strong, and were frequently made up of Mossi and Grounsi from the territory that was so heavily infected by the beginning of the present century. It is certain that a continuous introduction of infection would have been taking place into the forest ever since trypanosomiasis was prevalent in the north, that is for 100 years at least. And infection has been known in the forest for about that period, yet always to a mild degree, never reaching epidemic form. It has been sought for, because conditions in the forest, with the vector Glossina palpalis in contact with every village and path, appeared to be ideal for the transmission of infection and this drew the particular attention of the early workers from 1908 onwards. But the most that could be found was a threatened epidemic in north-west Ashanti, very significantly centering on the big cola markets which formed the termini for the northern traders.This historical evidence and the reasoning from epidemiology lead to the conclusion that conditions in the forest are not conducive to the development of epidemic sleeping sickness and that the low state of endemicity found there is maintained by the constant introduction of infection from the true epidemic areas in northern savanna.From this conclusion arises a practical point of the greatest importance. If the sources from which infection is introduced into the forest could be eliminated the disease there should eventually die out and the tsetse, from the human point of view, would be harmless. Tsetse control in the forest may prove difficult and expensive, and if it is attempted by clearing this might end in the literal destruction of the forest. Such measures would be hard to justify, so many other factors of possibly greater importance than trypanosomiasis are involved, both the intrinsic value of a forest for its products and the wider value through its influence on climate, soil and water.In formulating a plan for the control of sleeping sickness, the habits of both vectors, human as well as insect, should be considered. The tsetse plays a major role in the development of the high infection rates characterising the epidemic outbreaks in northern savanna ; the human vector distributes infection from these sources along trade routes and into the forest. The elimination of the disease at its source, in true epidemic centres, which can be most effectively accomplished by eradication of the tsetse, will check the distribution of infections to the secondary areas of lighter infection which could then be cleared up by quite minor control measures or might even disappear spontaneously.This plan is now in operation in the Gold Coast. The validity of the arguments on which it was based is being shown by the results that are already apparent : the high rates of reduction in the epidemic areas and the pronounced lowering of infection in neighbouring, uncontrolled areas, more particularly in the forest region of north-west Ashanti where it is entered by a trade route coming from the previously heavily infected country.

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