scholarly journals Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora under the conditions of Armenian-Turkish rapprochement

2010 ◽  
pp. 89-95
Author(s):  
Y.A. Balashov ◽  
S.E. Davtyan
Keyword(s):  
Negative Attitude ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
High Status ◽  
Cultural Specificity ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Turkish People ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Armenian Diaspora (Spyurq) is one of the oldest and skilled diasporas in the world. Armenian communities are present in practically all the corners of the globe and are distinguished both by uncommon abilities of adaptation and the preservation of their cultural specificity. Due to these features, Armenian diasporic communities possess solid development potential, ensuring their high status through an active penetration of Armenians into the elite of the accepting society and a stable character of their communal institutes. Recent Armenian-Turkish rapprochement to some extent brings into question the traditional unity of the Armenian Diaspora and its close relationship with the Republic of Armenia. Representatives of the Spyurq with a negative attitude towards rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey on existing terms can be conditionally divided into three categories: Romanticists (represented mainly by the Union of Armenians of Russia) believe in a certain 'mission' of the Armenian nation and the 'superiority' of Armenians over the Turkic nations. The Armenian people are, thus, viewed as an integral whole which is not divided into citizens of Armenia and representatives of the Diaspora. Therefore, the government in Yerevan has only a symbolic meaning and has no right to make any crucial decision on all-Armenian issues, in particular in the domain of relations between the Armenian and the Turkish people. Nationalists (mainly supporters of the Dashnaktsutyun party, from the USA and Lebanon, as well as natives of Nagorno-Karabakh and descendants of natives of Western Armenia, which is now Turkish territory) consider the rapprochement of the RA with Turkey as an actual rejection of the struggle for Turkish recognition of the Armenian Genocide, as well as a 'betrayal' of Nagorno-Karabakh's independence. Pragmatists understand international law, political science and history but, in their opinion, the signed Zurich protocols contain weakly reasoned formulations which are not in accordance with the interests of the RA and are, therefore, inefficient. These formulations 1. do not contain any guarantees of the protocols' observance on the part of Turkey, 2. recognize the existing configuration of the Armenian-Turkish borders, i.e. symbolize the refusal to return Western Armenia to the Armenian state, and 3. recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the existing states, which translates into a withholding of support for Nagorno-Karabakh, which was a part of AzSSR during the period of the USSR. Besides, Armenian-Turkish rapprochement is interpreted by members of this category as a result of external pressure on Armenia on the part of Russia and the USA. In signing the Zurich protocols, the leadership of the RA was guided, first of all, by the state interests of the RA. The Diaspora factor was in this case secondary, although it was taken into consideration. The split in the Armenian Diaspora, in the authors' opinion, will be short-lived, because, in the end, pragmatism will prevail. .

Trust in Institutions, Social Solidarity, and the Perception of Social Cohesion in the Republic of Moldova in the Early Phase of the COVID-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-481
Author(s):  
Petru Negură ◽  
Lucia Gașper ◽  
Mihai Potoroacă
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Early Phase ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
High Status ◽  
Trust In Institutions ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
Depth Interviews

Abstract Research shows that social cohesion is crucial to the promotion of public health and the response to pandemic disease. This paper discusses a few key aspects of social cohesion in Moldova in the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, namely trust in the government, social solidarity, and the perception of social cohesion. The article uses data from two sources: first from in-depth interviews carried out in May 2020 with 95 people of high status, and then from a nationally representative survey conducted in July 2020. We also compared the case of Moldova with those of other European countries regarding trust in institutions and success in combating the pandemic. The paper suggests that awareness of the COVID-19 pandemic was correlated with socioeconomic status, education, and by respondents’ trust in institutions. The interviewees participating in the qualitative research defined social cohesion as the observance of health rules and suggested that solidarity and social support were uneven during the crisis.

scholarly journals The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 395-412
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Positive Discrimination ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Self Rule

Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.

scholarly journals PECULIARITIES OF ARMENIAN NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS ACTIVITIES IN THE UNITED STATES

2019 ◽  
pp. 4-13
Author(s):  
O. M. Andreeva ◽  
L. Avetisyan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Republic

It is stated that the Armenian community in the USA is one of the largest and most influential in the world. It is proved that the numerous Armenian community of the USA plays a prominent role in the development of Armenian-American relations. It is shown that the urgent issues for the development of the Armenian Diaspora is to overcome contradictions and competition within the Armenian Diaspora, especially among its most active organizations dealing with political issues. It will solve specific foreign policy tasks and promote the unification of the Armenian Diaspora based on group identity and common goals. The Armenian organizations, acting separately, complicate integration and unification within the community itself, lead to competition and disunity in defending its interests not only in the United States, but also in the world. It is determined that numerous Armenian Diaspora, famous and influential personalities of Armenian origin, national organizations and lobby groups are the “soft power” of Armenia. The Diaspora provides significant and comprehensive support to Armenian diplomacy in advancing national interests, especially in matters of international recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide, the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and overcoming the many economic problems that Armenia faces today. During the post-bipolar period, the Armenian Diaspora in America was quite active namely because of participation in various international organizations. To a certain extent, the Diaspora of Armenia followed the common tradition of using intergovernmental and intergovernmental associations to solve the problems of their states. On the other hand, the Armenian Diaspora confidently applied the method of "complementarily policy". This policy envisaged the deep involvement of the Republic of Armenia in the process of discussing and promoting projects of international organizations of various levels in the foreign policy of leading, influential states of the world and, first of all, the United States. In this regard, it is relevant to study the active and successful activities of the Armenian Diaspora in the United States. It is proved that Armenian Diaspora, with its rich international experience, seeks to integrate into American politics, which represents valuable experience for Ukraine, which has a significant Diaspora in the USA and Canada.

Turkish Cypriots - A People Unfairly Treated And Isolated by the International Community

Belleten ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 73 (266) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
Salâhi R. Sonyel
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Turkish People ◽  
Principles Of Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Right ◽  
Greek Cypriots

The struggles of the Turkish people of Cyprus for their existence and human rights began immediately after the signing of the Cyprus Agreement, on 4 June 1878, between the Ottoman State and England (Britain), giving the latter the right to occupy Cyprus provisionally. These struggles accelerated following attempts by the Greek Cypriots, pampered by the British, to aspire for enosis (union with Greece), and reached the zenith after the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960. The Greek Cypriots, who believed that the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus was provisional, and dreamt of the Megali Idea (Great Ideal), in the fulfilment of Greek imperialism, prepared various secret plans and plots in order to cow down, and eliminate the Turkish Cypriots, which they began to implement in 1964. However, there were splits and divisions among them, which led to the Sampson coup d'etat in 1974. However, there were splits and divisions among them, which led to the Sampson coup d'etat in 1974, thereby causing Turkey to intervene, as one of the guarantor powers, in order to protect the Turkish Cypriots against the Greek-Cypriot plans to exterminate them. However, Western states and organisations, and particularly the European Union (EU), which admire, and are under the influence of, ancient Hellenes continued, and still continue, to recognise the government of South Cyprus as the 'legal government' of the whole island and refuse to recognise the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. As a result, the Turkish Cypriots have been subjected to isolation, unfairly and contrary to the principles of justice. In this monograph I shall try to reveal as to how and why the EU decided, with the pressure of Greece, to admit South Cyprus to membership contrary to the principles of fairness, justice and legality.

scholarly journals CONSTITUTIONAL LEGAL STATUS OF PRESIDENTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE USA (COMPARATIVE LAW ANALYSIS)

2016 ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Миравзал Миракулов ◽  
Miravzal Mirakulov
Keyword(s):  
Legal Status ◽  
Comparative Law ◽  
Veto Power ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Commander In Chief

The article provides comparative law analysis of constitutional legal statuses of Presidents of the Republic of Uzbekistan and the USA. The analysis is conducted per respective provisions of the constitutions of the countries in question and per such criteria as form of government, form of rule, presidential elections and powers, qualifications, established for candidates for presidency. Thus, special attention is paid to various peculiarities of the legal status of the institute of presidency of the countries in question, in particular, regarding such issues as participation in the formation of the upper chamber of parliament, ministries and other State administrative bodies, interaction with the parliament and the judicial branch, powers in defense and security sectors, international relations, law making etc. Thus, the author identifies such distinctive features of the institute of presidency in Uzbekistan, as the existence of the post of Prime Minister and responsibility of the Government before the parliament and President; that the President possesses arbitration and integrative, coordinating and guaranteeing functions; the right to legislative initiative, dissolution of Parliament, convocation of the referendum, appointing and dismissing heads of local executive authorities; the status of President allows holding office of a Senate member during good behavior upon the expiry of the term. On the basis of an astute comparative analysis the author also reveals a number of similar characteristics in the institutes of presidency in the USA and Uzbekistan, such as age qualifications, the right to the address to parliament, participation of the Senate in appointing, approving and electing functionaries, presented by President, the veto power, as well as the status of the Commander-in-Chief.

Byelorussian Nationalism and Western Russianism: the Problem of Confrontation

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 161-168
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Gronsky
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the relationship between Western Russianism (Zapadnorusizm) and Byelorussian nationalism. Byelorussian nationalism is much younger than Western Russianism, finally shaping only in the end of the 19th century. Before 1917 revolution Byelorussian nationalism could not compete with Western Russianism. The national policy of the Bolsheviks contributed to the decline of Western Russianism and helped Byelorussian nationalism to gain stronger positions. However, Byelorussian nationalists actively cooperated with the occupation authorities during the Great Patriotic war. That caused distinctly negative attitude of Byelorussians towards the movement and collaborators. Currently, Byelorussian nationalism is supported both by the opposition and by the government. Western Russianism has no political representation, but is supported by the majority of Byelorussian population.

Recommendations of The Ombudsman’s Dilemma: Between Law Enforcement Officials and Protection of Credibility

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Dyah Adriantini Sintha Dewi
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Law Enforcement Officials ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Oversight Body

The Ombudsman as an external oversight body for official performance, in Fikih Siyasah (constitutionality in Islam) is included in the supervision stipulated in legislation (al-musahabah al-qomariyah). Supervision is done so that public service delivery to the community is in accordance with the rights of the community. This is done because in carrying out its duties, officials are very likely to conduct mal administration, which is bad public services that cause harm to the community. The Ombudsman is an institution authorized to resolve the mal administration issue, in which one of its products is by issuing a recommendation. Although Law No. 37 of 2018 on the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia states that the recommendation is mandatory, theombudsman's recommendations have not been implemented. This is due to differences in point of view, ie on the one hand in the context of law enforcement, but on the other hand the implementation of the recommendation is considered as a means of opening the disgrace of officials. Recommendations are the last alternative of Ombudsman's efforts to resolve the mal administration case, given that a win-win solution is the goal, then mediation becomes the main effort. This is in accordance with the condition of the Muslim majority of Indonesian nation and prioritizes deliberation in resolving dispute. Therefore, it is necessary to educate the community and officials related to the implementation of the Ombudsman's recommendations in order to provide good public services for the community, which is the obligation of the government.

A Call for Public Participation in the Treaty-making Process in South Africa: What can South Africa Learn from the Kingdom of Thailand?

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Retselisitsoe Phooko
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Public Participation ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Legal Implications ◽  
Future Situation ◽  
Rules Of Procedure ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personal Jurisdiction

On 2 August 2002 South Africa signed the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Tribunal and the Rules of Procedure Thereof, thus effectively recognising and accepting the jurisdiction of the SADC Tribunal. Among the cases received by the SADC Tribunal was a complaint involving allegations of human rights violations by the government of Zimbabwe. It ruled that the government of Zimbabwe had violated human rights. Consequently, Zimbabwe mounted a politico-legal challenge against the existence of the Tribunal. This resulted in the review of the role and functions of the Tribunal in 2011 which resulted in the Tribunal being barred from receiving new cases or proceeding with the cases that were already before it. Furthermore, on 18 August 2014, the SADC Summit adopted and signed the 2014 Protocol on the Tribunal in the SADC which disturbingly limits personal jurisdiction by denying individual access to the envisaged Tribunal, thus reducing it to an inter-state judicial forum. This article critically looks at the decision of 18 August 2014, specifically the legal implications of the Republic of South Africa’s signing of the 2014 Protocol outside the permissible procedure contained in article 37 of the SADC Protocol on the Tribunal. It proposes that South Africa should correct this democratic deficit by introducing public participation in treaty-making processes in order to prevent a future situation where the executive unilaterally withdraws from an international treaty that is meant to protect human rights at a regional level. To achieve this, this article makes a comparative study between South Africa and the Kingdom of Thailand to learn of any best practices from the latter.

Organic Consumer Behavior- Special reference to cereal /cereal products in the southern part of Tamilnadu.

Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 757-767
Author(s):  
J. ELANCHEZHIAN ◽  
Dr. K. KALAICHELVI
Keyword(s):  
Organic Agriculture ◽  
Regulatory Mechanism ◽  
Organic Food ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Consumer Awareness ◽  
Cereal Products ◽  
Food Standards ◽  
Organic Products ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government

Consumers’ interest in organic products is increasing globally. As IFOAM 2016 report, only 1.2 % of the land has been utilized in organic agriculture method. The overall organic market has achieved 89.7 billion $ in 2016 in that, & 48.4 a billion in sales accounted for the USA and German alone. Total registered organic producer in the worldwide is 2.7 million in that India is the leading country which has 835,200 organic producers. But many of them are a small farmer, and they had shared 1.49 million hectares only. The Government of India (GOI) and the state governments have taken several steps to improve the regulatory mechanism and frame several schemes to incentivize organic farming. 2017 December, Food Standards and Safety Authority of India (FSSAI) have recognized both the certification systems (NPOP and PGS-India) valid for organic food products. From these steps, GOI has tried to create confidence in the organic products, so that, domestic consumers and export countries can trust Indian organic products. But still, the organic sector in India suffered from some unique characteristic that is the absence of proper branding, package, consumer awareness, purchasing power, and supply chain issues (Agarwal, 2018).

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE EVALUATION RESULTS OF HOLSTEIN BLACK-MOTLEY BREEDING BULLS BY THEIR DAUGHTERS’ PRODUCTIVITY BASED ON OFFICIAL INSTRUCTIONS AND BLUP MODEL

2020 ◽  
pp. 155-163
Author(s):  
K.ZH. ZHUMANOV ◽  
◽  
T.N. KARYMSAKOV ◽  
M.A. KINEEV ◽  
M.V. TAMAROVSKIY ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Dairy Cattle ◽  
Milk Fat ◽  
Cattle Breed ◽  
Breeding Value ◽  
Cattle Breeding ◽  
Lower Efficiency ◽  
Dairy Cattle Breeding ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Current Instruction ◽  
The Republic

According to the current “Instruction” used in dairy cattle selection and breeding in the Republic of Kazakhstan, bulls-producers of dairy breeds are assessed according to the their offspring quality based on the principle of “peer daughter”. This means that the phenotypic indicators of the daughters of the tested bulls are compared with the corresponding indicators of their peers. In European countries with developed dairy cattle breeding, as well as in Canada, the USA, etc., to ensure a reliable forecast of the genetic value of individuals (primarily, bulls-producers), use is made of the best linear unbiased forecast method (BLUP method). This method implies that the breeding value of producers is determined by the deviation values of the development of traits of the examined animal from its average values in the population. Especially urgent area is the research aimed at improving breeding programs, including assessing the breeding value of bulls-producers of dairy breeds using BLUP methods based on the productive qualities of the mass of dairy cattle in the Republic of Kazakhstan. The research material included the data on the phenotypic indicators of the milk productivity of first-calf cows (the amount of milk yield, the content of fat and protein in milk, the yield of milk fat and protein) of the Holstein black-motley dairy cattle breed, obtained from the information and analytical database of the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2016–2017. It was found that when evaluating according to the official “Instruction”, 16 sires out of 256 bulls (6.2%) got the stud category in 2016, 14 sires (9.2%) out of 152 bulls in 2017, and – 30 sires of 249 bulls (12.0%) over the cumulative period. The results of the conducted research prove that the use of the classic “Instructions” in dairy cattle breeding has lower efficiency (by 42.8–90.0%) as compared with the assessment of the breeding value of bulls based on the BLUP method.The selection of sire bulls into breeding groups based on the “peer daughter” methodology is not reliable enough and rather ineffective. Comparing the results of assessing the breeding qualities of sire bulls, obtianed using two methods in all compared periods (2016, 2017, 2016–2017), the authors established a clear superiority of the BLUP method over the current Instruction used in the Republic of Kazakhstan.

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