scholarly journals The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia

2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 395-412
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Positive Discrimination ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Self Rule

Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.

Wyzwanie dla tożsamości międzynarodowej Macedonii – grecko macedoński spór o nazwę państwa

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 333-350
Author(s):  
Artur Adamczyk ◽  
Mladen Karadzoski
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Small Country ◽  
Main Obstacle ◽  
The Road ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
On The Road ◽  
International Identity ◽  
Of Greece

The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens’ refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.

scholarly journals Women, peace and international security: the Havana Agreement for peace in Colombia

2019 ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Elena DE OLIVEIRA SCHUCK ◽  
Lívia BRITO
Keyword(s):  
International Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Specific Analysis ◽  
The Government

Armed conflicts have different impacts on women. In this regard, women’s civil society organizations are inserted in the international political arenas in order to guarantee their rights in warfare contexts. In the case of conflicts in Colombia, women are identified not only as combatants and victims, but also as members of women civil organizations for peacebuilding. These organizations played a prominent role in the elaboration of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana, Cuba, between 2012 and 2016. This article proposes an analysis of the theoretical production on peace, international security, feminism and subalternity, to present the specific case of the conflict in Colombia and its gender perspectives. The results indicate that peace agreements can be instruments of political inclusion and reparation for women affected by armed conflicts. In highlighting the role of political minorities in the international peace negotiations in Colombia, this research contributes to the development and expansion of critical perspectives —feminist and subaltern— on international security and studies for peace. Moreover, building upon the specific analysis of the Havana Agreement, this paper aims to contribute to the inclusion of a gender perspective in future peace agreements.

Pediatric Casualties during the Civil Conflict in the Republic of Georgia 22 November–5 December 1991

1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irakli T. Metreveli ◽  
Arno Vosk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Leader ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Civil War in GeorgiaOn 9 April 1991, the Republic of Georgia proclaimed its independence from the Soviet Union. Sviat Gamsakhurdia, an anti-communist leader of the Georgian Nationalist movement, was elected President by an overwhelming majority. Soon after the election, however, Gamsakhurdia's popularity began to plummet. He was accused of suppressing any opposition, and he and his supporters accused the opposition of being in league with Moscow and seeking to sabotage Georgian independence. Demonstrators in Tbilisi, the capital city, demanded the resignation of the new government, and the government relied increasingly upon armed forces to maintain power.

Accession of Costa Rica to the Protocols

1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (238) ◽  
pp. 34-34
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Geneva Conventions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Swiss Government

The Government of the Republic of Costa Rica deposited with the Swiss Government, on 15 December 1983, an instrument of accession to the Protocols Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, relating to the protection of victims of international armed conflicts (Protocol I) and non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II), adopted in Geneva on 8 June 1977.

scholarly journals Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Funda Diril
Keyword(s):  
Transition Economies ◽  
Current Account Deficit ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Candidate Country ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
Fiscal Reforms ◽  
Government Deficit ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.

scholarly journals THE REFORM AND EVOLUTION OF THE SLOVENIAN ARMED FORCES – A VIEW FROM ABROAD

2019 ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
NEIL GRAYSTON
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Positive Trend ◽  
Territorial Defence ◽  
Force Structure ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Defence Expenditure

Abstract The Republic of Slovenia has been a member of NATO for 15 years. In preparing for NATO membership the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) were required to prepare for radical change, from a territorial defence force to one that could contribute to NATO missions. The need for change became even more significant after the government decision in 2002 to end conscription and move to a fully professional SAF. A revised force structure for the SAF was agreed in 2003, prior to Slovenia joining NATO in 2004. Progress in developing the SAF in the first five years of NATO membership, while encountering a number of challenges, showed a positive trend, with a commensurate increase in defence expenditure. In the following five years the economic crisis which affected most NATO countries had a particularly damaging effect on the continued development of the SAF, with very severe reductions in defence expenditure. Today, after 15 years of NATO membership, the SAF has still not recovered from the cuts made in defence spending. Spending remains close to 1.0% of GDP and is inadequate to support the force plans of the SAF. The SAF is unable to make an effective contribution to NATO and a decision needs to be made on the future size and shape of the SAF which matches plans for future defence expenditure. Key words NATO, Slovenia, Professionalization, Defence Planning, Defence Expenditure, Missions, Force Structure, Democratic Control.

scholarly journals SYNERGY OF RELIGIOUS FIGURES WITH THE INDONESIAN ARMED FORCES AND THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA POLICE IN OVERCOMING RADICALISM MOVEMENTS TO SUPPORT STATE DEFENSE IN EAST JAVA

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 354
Author(s):  
Rini Windiyawati
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Phenomenological Research ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Qualitative Phenomenological ◽  
State Defense

<p>The synergy between religious figures, community leaders, the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), and the Republic of Indonesia Police (POLRI) is urgently needed for the government is facing radicalism movements in Indonesia. Entering the reformation era, radical ideologies have the possibility more to threaten national security. This study aims to describe the synergy between religious figures, the Indonesian Armed Forces, and the Republic of Indonesia Police to ward off radical movements in East Java. Radicalism is closely related to terrorism, both of which are acts of violence or threats to people's lives. Therefore, it is necessary to have synergy from several parties. The research approach in this research uses qualitative phenomenological research. According to the results of the study, it shows that 1) the factors that cause the rise of radicalism movements in East Java are the greatest lack of education and poverty and 2) the synergy between religious figures, Indonesian Armed Forces, and the Republic of Indonesia Police has been running quite well. It can be seen from good cooperation in carrying out duties and responsibilities in maintaining national integrity, especially in preventing radicalism movements by the religious figure by carrying out various activity agendas as socialization in preventing radicalism movements in East Java.</p>

scholarly journals Dwi Fungsi ABRI : Melacak Sejarah Keterlibatan ABRI dalam Kehidupan Sosial Politik dan Perekonomian Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Anwar Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
New Order ◽  
Dual Function ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This paper examines the historical roots of the emergence of the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) in the socio-political field, especially several reasons that form the basis of government policy to involve ABRI in the socio-political and economic fields, as well as ABRI’s own efforts to play a role in these fields. This historical approach research concluded that ABRI’s involvement in the socio-political field in Indonesia had begun since the government of Guided Democracy under President Soekarno. Politically, the reason for Soekarno’s inclusion of the military in his government structure was due to the failure of civilian politicians in formulating state ideology with no agreement between parties in the constituent assembly. This failure is considered to endanger national political stability and threaten the integrity of the country. For this reason, President Soekarno recruited the military to balance civilian politicians in his government. Along with its involvement in the socio-political field, ABRI also plays a role in socio-economics. Although at first, this role was limited to securing national private companies which were legacies of foreign companies, but during the New Order government, the dual function of ABRI was confirmed and its role was wider. Almost all strategic economic sectors are controlled by ABRI.

scholarly journals Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora under the conditions of Armenian-Turkish rapprochement

2010 ◽  
pp. 89-95
Author(s):  
Y.A. Balashov ◽  
S.E. Davtyan
Keyword(s):  
Negative Attitude ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
High Status ◽  
Cultural Specificity ◽  
Armenian Diaspora ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Turkish People ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Armenian Diaspora (Spyurq) is one of the oldest and skilled diasporas in the world. Armenian communities are present in practically all the corners of the globe and are distinguished both by uncommon abilities of adaptation and the preservation of their cultural specificity. Due to these features, Armenian diasporic communities possess solid development potential, ensuring their high status through an active penetration of Armenians into the elite of the accepting society and a stable character of their communal institutes. Recent Armenian-Turkish rapprochement to some extent brings into question the traditional unity of the Armenian Diaspora and its close relationship with the Republic of Armenia. Representatives of the Spyurq with a negative attitude towards rapprochement between Armenia and Turkey on existing terms can be conditionally divided into three categories: Romanticists (represented mainly by the Union of Armenians of Russia) believe in a certain 'mission' of the Armenian nation and the 'superiority' of Armenians over the Turkic nations. The Armenian people are, thus, viewed as an integral whole which is not divided into citizens of Armenia and representatives of the Diaspora. Therefore, the government in Yerevan has only a symbolic meaning and has no right to make any crucial decision on all-Armenian issues, in particular in the domain of relations between the Armenian and the Turkish people. Nationalists (mainly supporters of the Dashnaktsutyun party, from the USA and Lebanon, as well as natives of Nagorno-Karabakh and descendants of natives of Western Armenia, which is now Turkish territory) consider the rapprochement of the RA with Turkey as an actual rejection of the struggle for Turkish recognition of the Armenian Genocide, as well as a 'betrayal' of Nagorno-Karabakh's independence. Pragmatists understand international law, political science and history but, in their opinion, the signed Zurich protocols contain weakly reasoned formulations which are not in accordance with the interests of the RA and are, therefore, inefficient. These formulations 1. do not contain any guarantees of the protocols' observance on the part of Turkey, 2. recognize the existing configuration of the Armenian-Turkish borders, i.e. symbolize the refusal to return Western Armenia to the Armenian state, and 3. recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the existing states, which translates into a withholding of support for Nagorno-Karabakh, which was a part of AzSSR during the period of the USSR. Besides, Armenian-Turkish rapprochement is interpreted by members of this category as a result of external pressure on Armenia on the part of Russia and the USA. In signing the Zurich protocols, the leadership of the RA was guided, first of all, by the state interests of the RA. The Diaspora factor was in this case secondary, although it was taken into consideration. The split in the Armenian Diaspora, in the authors' opinion, will be short-lived, because, in the end, pragmatism will prevail. .

Procedury karne w stosunku do żołnierzy sił zbrojnych Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz członków ich personelu cywilnego przebywających na terytorium Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

2019 ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Marek Centkowski
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Criminal Jurisdiction ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

The subject of this work is to clarify the issues of criminal jurisdiction set forth in articles 13-15 of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the United States of America regarding the status of the armed forces of the United States of America on the territory of the Republic of Poland of December 11, 2009 in Warsaw. The author simultaneously conducts analysis of the provisions in article VII NATO SOFA, a supplemental agreement between the Governments of Poland and the United States. In addition, memorandum of Understanding between the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Poland and the Command of the Armed Forces of the United States of America in Europe regarding foreign criminal jurisdiction, signed on October 23, 2014 in Warsaw is discussed. The memorandum specifies the provisions of the above-mentioned two international agreements, describing, among other things, how to proceed with American soldiers and members of their civilian staff as perpetrators of prohibited acts. Furthermore, this document contains templates for letters addressed to US military authorities, and Polish judicial authorities with respect to the priority of jurisdiction, as well as arrangements related to the performance of official duties by the perpetrator at the time of committing a prohibited act. The authorities that supervise or conduct preparatory proceedings against members of the United States forces and their civilian personnel are military prosecutors of the regional or the district prosecutor’s offices. The Police, on the other hand and Military Police are law enforcement agencies carrying out procedural activities at the scene and carryingout activities commissioned by the military prosecutor.

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