Questions from an analysis of ethnic distributions in the former Yugoslavia

Eugene Hammel; Carl Mason; Mirjana Stevanovic

doi:10.2298/stnv0702007h

Questions from an analysis of ethnic distributions in the former Yugoslavia

Stanovnistvo ◽

10.2298/stnv0702007h ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 45 (2) ◽

pp. 7-24 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Eugene Hammel ◽

Carl Mason ◽

Mirjana Stevanovic

Keyword(s):

Ethnic Diversity ◽

Former Yugoslavia ◽

Steady Increase ◽

Informational Entropy ◽

Political Leaders ◽

Popular Support ◽

Interethnic Conflict ◽

Bottom Upward

Ethnic diversity in the former Yugoslavia, measured as informational entropy increased in most regions at the level of the naselje, the opstina, and the region, 1961-1991 (no useful data for Slovenia, Macedonia, and Kosovo in 1991). Vojvodina is the most diverse region, Slovenia the least. An exception to the increase is Kosovo-Metohija, where diversity decreased 1961-1981 driven by already serious interethnic conflict. There is some diminution of the increase in diversity in some regions in 1991, possibly because of refugee flows in anticipation of the impending violence. This rather broad and steady increase in diversity leads to questions about the view that pre-existing ethnic hatreds among broad segments of the population led to the ethnic fracturing and collapse of Yugoslavia. Instead it suggests that this fracturing may instead have been the result of competition between political leaders, stimulated by serious economic difficulties, leading them to emphasize ethnicity in their search for popular support. From this the authors support the view that the collapse of Yugoslavia was from the top downward, not from the bottom upward.

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Ethnicity, voting and the promises of the independence movement in Mwanza, Tanzania

Afrika Focus ◽

10.21825/af.v30i1.4988 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 30 (1) ◽

Author(s):

Mrisho Mbegu Malipula

Keyword(s):

Ethnic Diversity ◽

The Political ◽

African Politics ◽

Hybrid Regimes ◽

Political Leaders ◽

National Unity ◽

Hybrid Approaches ◽

Independence Movement ◽

The People ◽

National Values

This report explores influences of ethnicity on determining voters’ choices in Tanzania. It questions the dominant neo-patrimonial and hybrid approaches to African politics, which argue that primordial (traditional) ways of organising politics inform ethnic voting. This study deviates from ethnic structure theorists arguing that outcomes of elections are determined by the ability of ethnic groups to form minimum winning coalitions (MWCs). Instead, it looks at the ideational structure of nationalisation, driven mainly by the promises of the independence movement (PsIM). The movement created an experiential and discursive framework that emphasises depoliticisation of ethnicity, peacefulness and national unity as ‘Tanzanian’ national values. The frame is intact despite Tanzania’s ethnic diversity and liberal socio-economic as well as political reforms it has undergone overtime. The report critically divulges this capacity to build a political organisation encompassing the political leaders, ideals of the independence movement and the people in informing voters’ choices. Key words: ethnicity, neo-patrimonialism, hybrid regimes, promises of independence and voting

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Ethnicity, voting and the promises of the independence movement in Mwanza, Tanzania

Afrika Focus ◽

10.1163/2031356x-03001011 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 30 (1) ◽

pp. 141-150

Author(s):

Mrisho Mbegu Malipula

Keyword(s):

Ethnic Groups ◽

Ethnic Diversity ◽

The Political ◽

African Politics ◽

Political Leaders ◽

National Unity ◽

Hybrid Approaches ◽

Independence Movement ◽

The People ◽

National Values

This report explores influences of ethnicity on determining voters’ choices in Tanzania. It questions the dominant neo-patrimonial and hybrid approaches to African politics, which argue that primordial (traditional) ways of organising politics inform ethnic voting. This study deviates from ethnic structure theorists arguing that outcomes of elections are determined by the ability of ethnic groups to form minimum winning coalitions (MWCs). Instead, it looks at the ideational structure of nationalisation, driven mainly by the promises of the independence movement (PslM). The movement created an experiential and discursive framework that emphasises depoliticisation of ethnicity, peacefulness and national unity as ‘Tanzanian’ national values. The frame is intact despite Tanzania’s ethnic diversity and liberal socio-economic as well as political reforms it has undergone overtime. The report critically divulges this capacity to build a political organisation encompassing the political leaders, ideals of the independence movement and the people in informing voters’ choices.

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What is punitive populism? A typology based in media communication

Matrizes ◽

10.11606/issn.1982-8160.v15i1p77-102 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 15 (1) ◽

pp. 77-102

Author(s):

Michelle Bonner

Keyword(s):

Political Ideology ◽

Concept Development ◽

Basic Definition ◽

Political Leaders ◽

Media Communication ◽

Popular Support ◽

Media Systems ◽

Definition Of

Punitive populism refers to political leaders’ use of tough-on-crime rhetoric and policies to win elections and popular support. Yet, this basic definition does not capture the range of ways the practice manifests itself. Refining the concept, this article identifies three key types of punitive populism: authoritarian, conflicted, and accountable. The typology highlights the intersecting importance of media systems and political ideology to the definition of each type. Reflecting on over fifteen years of research on the topic, the article is centred on concept development, with illustrative examples from Argentina and Chile.

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Rallying round the flag of the Star of David during the first wave of Covid-19: Increased popular support for Netanyahu in the time of crisis

10.31235/osf.io/vxutw ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Shingo Hamanaka

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

Political Leaders ◽

Short Term ◽

Popular Support ◽

National Crisis ◽

Death Toll ◽

The Face ◽

Rally Effect ◽

The Government

The new coronavirus epidemic was perceived as a national crisis, and Israel mobilized all its security agencies to formulate countermeasures. Prime Minister Netanyahu seems to have successfully capitalized on this national crisis to boost support for himself in the short term. Prime Minister However, as discussed below, even if the growing death toll from the outbreak was reversed, there were other countries whose successes did not translate into increased support for the government, one of which was Japan.This study analyzes the surge in support for the prime minister during the first wave of the coronavirus epidemic in Israel within the framework of the rally effect. Israel was chosen as a case study for two reasons. First, the country was repeatedly polled during the first wave of infection. Second, a special policy that met the requirements for natural experimentation—a strict compartmentalized blockade limited to certain areas—had been in place for a while. These two conditions mean that a study of Israel during the first wave of the epidemic will allow us to make discoveries about the conditions under which a society supports its political leaders in the face of a national crisis.

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Concluding reflections

Radical Americas ◽

10.14324/111.444.ra.2021.v6.1.010 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 6 (1) ◽

Author(s):

Steven S. Volk

Keyword(s):

Special Issue ◽

Political Leaders ◽

Constitutional Convention ◽

Popular Resistance ◽

Popular Support ◽

Left Behind ◽

Historical Memories ◽

Pinochet Dictatorship

In October 2020, Chilean voters resoundingly elected to abandon the constitution left behind by the Pinochet dictatorship. A new charter will be written by a fully elected, gender-balanced, constitutional convention. Given that Chilean political leaders have floated the idea of jettisoning the 1980 constitution for the last 35 years, what accounts for their decisive step at this point? Summarising and reflecting on the contributions to this special issue, I argue that the October 2020 vote was, in a sense, the result of decades of popular resistance, nurtured and informed by rich and tragic historical memories and experiences. The October result demonstrated an understanding of how to mobilise and energise a huge and diverse base of popular support as well a keen awareness of how to prepare for the violence that inevitably was launched against it.

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The mass crimes in the former Yugoslavia: participation, punishment and prevention?

International Review of the Red Cross ◽

10.1017/s1816383108000295 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 90 (870) ◽

pp. 273-287

Author(s):

Samuel Tanner

Keyword(s):

Case Studies ◽

Former Yugoslavia ◽

Political Leaders ◽

Mass Violence ◽

Grass Roots ◽

Chain Of Command ◽

Classic Approach

AbstractThis article discusses sanctions for and the prevention of mass violence. But rather than take a classic approach centred on statutory players such as soldiers, officers or political leaders, all of them acting within a legal chain of command, I focus on non-state perpetrators. My reflections are based on case studies of four former Serbian militiamen who took part in mass violence in the former Yugoslavia. I argue that it is of the utmost importance to consider the typical grass-roots relationship between these local players and their own community, so as to maximize the effect of sanctions and perhaps prevent further offences by potential future perpetrators.

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Multidisciplinary Evidence to Treat Bilingual Individuals with Aphasia

Perspectives on Communication Disorders and Sciences in Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Populations ◽

10.1044/cds15.3.66 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 15 (3) ◽

pp. 66-72 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

José G. Centeno

Keyword(s):

Stroke Rehabilitation ◽

Culturally Diverse ◽

Treatment Strategies ◽

The United States ◽

Intervention Strategies ◽

Steady Increase ◽

Clinical Procedures ◽

Bilingual Speakers ◽

Aphasic Clients

Abstract The steady increase in linguistic and cultural diversity in the country, including the number of bilingual speakers, has been predicted to continue. Minorities are expected to be the majority by 2042. Strokes, the third leading cause of death and the leading cause of long-term disability in the U.S., are quite prevalent in racial and ethnic minorities, so population estimates underscore the imperative need to develop valid clinical procedures to serve the predicted increase in linguistically and culturally diverse bilingual adults with aphasia in post-stroke rehabilitation. Bilingualism is a complex phenomenon that interconnects culture, cognition, and language; thus, as aphasia is a social phenomenon, treatment of bilingual aphasic persons would benefit from conceptual frameworks that exploit the culture-cognition-language interaction in ways that maximize both linguistic and communicative improvement leading to social re-adaptation. This paper discusses a multidisciplinary evidence-based approach to develop ecologically-valid treatment strategies for bilingual aphasic individuals. Content aims to spark practitioners' interest to explore conceptually broad intervention strategies beyond strictly linguistic domains that would facilitate linguistic gains, communicative interactions, and social functioning. This paper largely emphasizes Spanish-English individuals in the United States. Practitioners, however, are advised to adapt the proposed principles to the unique backgrounds of other bilingual aphasic clients.

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