scholarly journals Ceramic balsamaria-bottles: The example of Viminacium

Starinar ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 327-336
Author(s):  
Snezana Nikolic ◽  
Angelina Raickovic
Keyword(s):  
Basic Function ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Funerary Rituals ◽  
Later Phase ◽  
Grave Goods

The earliest balsamaria to appear in the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods are ceramic and seldom over 10 cm in height. On the Southern Necropolis of Viminacium (sites Vise grobalja and Pecine) 21 vessels of this type have been found. The features they have in common are a long slender neck and the absence of handles. Based on the shape of their bodies nine groups have been identified. Although they are similar to glass balsamaria, the term bottle seems more appropriate chiefly on account of their size. Of several proposed suggestions about their basic function, the most plausible seems to be that their primary use was as containers for products packed in small amounts. Although most published finds come from burials, the question of their significance and use in funerary rituals remains inadequately elucidated. It is impossible to say with certainty whether the larger-sized vessels of a later date had the same function as the smaller Hellenistic and Early Roman ones. What is certain is that they are usually found in cremation burials, as shown by both Viminacium's Southern Necropolis, the necropolises of Poetovio and Emona, and individual graves on other sites. To judge from the clay fabric and colour and the manner of manufacture, the ceramic bottles from Viminacium come from different and as yet unidentified production centres. From the stratigraphic data and the grave goods they were found in association with they can be dated to the end of the first and first half of the second century, tentatively regarded as a later phase in their production.

scholarly journals Necropolis under a tumulus at Veprcani: Representative case of using sacred places during several periods in the past

Starinar ◽  
2016 ◽  
pp. 27-57
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Mitkoski ◽  
Aleksandar Bulatovic ◽  
Ilija Mikic
Keyword(s):  
Mountainous Area ◽  
The South ◽  
Sacred Places ◽  
Mortuary Practice ◽  
Representative Case ◽  
The Past ◽  
Funerary Rituals ◽  
Small Stone ◽  
Prehistoric Burials ◽  
Grave Goods

Six Late Roman graves and one prehistoric burial have been discovered under a tumulus in the course of investigations. The tumulus is around 11meters in diameter and around 1 meter high and is situated at Veprcani, in the mountainous area of Mariovo in south Macedonia. The graves mostly contained cists of broken stones or slabs covered with stone slabs, one grave was carved into the rock and one consisted of a dislocated grave association. One prehistoric burial containing the remains of a cremated individual and grave goods was encountered under a small stone mound to the south of tumulus. Regarding the grave goods, mortuary practice and funerary rituals of the original tumulus as well as the prehistoric burials, and material from the mound have been dated to the Ha A period, while the antique graves were dated to the 3rd-4th century.

The hunting frieze from Vergina

1993 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 160-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Collins Reilly
Keyword(s):  
Annual Meeting ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Funerary Rituals ◽  
Grave Goods

The tombs at Vergina in Macedonia continue to produce more questions than answers. At the 1990 Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute in San Francisco a colloquium entitled ‘The royal tombs at Vergina: continuing issues’ was presented on these tombs, their dating, and their possible inhabitants. The participants in this colloquium were not in agreement about the identity of those laid to rest in the tombs, or when these burials took place, or the nature of the grave goods which accompanied the funerary rituals. We must continue to anticipate and hope for progress in the debate over these crucial questions.

scholarly journals Novi nalaz reljefne staklene boce oblika ribe

2009 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Fadić
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Second Century ◽  
First Century ◽  
Shopping Mall ◽  
Glass Bottle ◽  
Archaeological Excavations ◽  
Made In ◽  
Grave Goods

A fish-shaped relief glass bottle was found in grave 59 (quadrant 3A) during the rescue archaeological excavations at the site of Trgovački Centar (Shopping Mall) Relja in 2005. This find is particularly important since the entire context of the find is defined so that it offers valuable insights about the distribution of this type of the bottle as well as about the the chronological determination of its formation which has been a subject of discussions. These chronological dilemmas were solved by grave goods and typology of the burial at the ancient necropolis of Iader. On the basis of glass finds which belonged to grave goods from grave 59 together with the fish-shaped relief bottle we can state with certainty that this bottle which was blown into a two-part mold was made in the period from the mid-first to the beginning of the second century AD, to be precise in the second half of the first century AD. Out of total number of eight examples of these bottles, place of discovery is known for only four (Romania, Greece and Croatia), two of which were found in the Croatian littoral. Since none of the findspots was located in the western part of the Roman Empire, one cannot help thinking that fish-shaped relief bottles were created in the eastern Mediterranean, most likely in the Syrian glassmaking workshops in the first century AD when small Syrian relief bottles in vegetal and anthropomorphous shapes with relief decoration were very popular.

METODE QIYAS SEBAGAI LANDASAN EPISTEMOLOGI NAHWU

ALQALAM ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 213
Author(s):  
Nana Jumhana
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Second Century

Qiyas (analogy) is one of several methods which had been used by Arabic linguist since the first generation until those who lived in the second century of Hijriyah in formulating Arabic grammars next to Sama' (orally transmitted material). The formulation of the grammars was aimed at conservating Arabic from any kinds of inference, considering that it was not only a mere treasure of the Arab, but also language of Islam after the revelation of Alqur'an. As an ephistemological basis of Arabic synthax, Qiyas serves as an analogy to some eloquent saying of the ancient Arabs. In so doing, Qiyas consists of four components: 1) maqis 'alaih (the source to which one thing is comparred), 2) maqis (the respected object to be comparred), 3) 'illah (the similar aspectls the both share), and 4) hukm (the verdict in search). In terms of it's kind, linguists devide it into three kinds: 1) qiyas al' illah, 2) qiyas at-tard, and qiyas as-syibhi. Even though some linguists argue against the using of Qiyas in formulating grammars, particularly for it is not in line with sima', also for it is considered to be built on subjective rationalisation, Qiyas is of great significance in language theorizing. The significance of Qiyas is not limited to the products demonstrated by traditional linguists. It also applies to our time too, particularly in developing Arabic language in all of it's aspects. Keyword: Qiyas, Method, Taq id al-Nahwi, Mazhab Basrah, Mazhab Kufah

Scottish Home Rule: Entering the Second Century

1997 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-269
Author(s):  
David Millar
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
Home Rule

An Early Muṣḥaf According to the Reading of Ibn cĀmir

2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasin Dutton
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
Documentary Evidence ◽  
Positive Identification ◽  
Facsimile Edition

The recent publication of the facsimile edition of MS Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Arabe 328a has allowed general access to what is probably one of the oldest, and most important, Qur'an fragments in Europe. The text is unvocalised, but the large number of folios (fifty-six) means that there are enough consonantal variants present to enable a positive identification of the reading represented, which turns out to be that of the Syrian Ibn cĀmir (d. 118/736). This, in combination with the early “Ḥijāzī” script, suggests (a) that this muṣḥaf was copied in Syria, and (b) that this was done some time during the first or early second century AH. In other words, what we have here is almost definitely a muṣḥaf according to the Syrian reading, copied in Syria, at the time when the caliphate had its seat in Syria, i.e. during the Umayyad period. Thus the identification of this particular reading helps in ascertaining the date and provenance of this particular manuscript, as it also fleshes out with documentary evidence the information given in the qirāↄāt literature about this reading.

Archaeology, Historicity, and Homosexuality in the New Cultus of Antinous

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-259
Author(s):  
Ethan White
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Gay Men ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Roman Emperor ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
Late Twentieth Century

In the second century, the Roman Emperor Hadrian deified his male lover, Antinous, after the latter drowned in the Nile. Antinous’ worship was revived in the late twentieth century, primarily by gay men and other queer-identified individuals, with Antinous himself being recast as “the Gay God.”

Possessing the Iconic Book

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 309-329
Author(s):  
Claudia V. Camp
Keyword(s):  
Second Century ◽  
Religious Literature ◽  
Ben Sira ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Iconic Status ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Woman Wisdom ◽  
Martin Marty

I propose that the notion of possession adds an important ideological nuance to the analyses of iconic books set forth by Martin Marty (1980) and, more recently, by James Watts (2006). Using the early second century BCE book of Sirach as a case study, I tease out some of the symbolic dynamics through which the Bible achieved iconic status in the first place, that is, the conditions in which significance was attached to its material, finite shape. For Ben Sira, this symbolism was deeply tied to his honor-shame ethos in which women posed a threat to the honor of his eternal name, a threat resolved through his possession of Torah figured as the Woman Wisdom. What my analysis suggests is that the conflicted perceptions of gender in Ben Sira’s text is fundamental to his appropriation of, and attempt to produce, authoritative religious literature, and thus essential for understanding his relationship to this emerging canon. Torah, conceived as female, was the core of this canon, but Ben Sira adds his own literary production to this female “body” (or feminized corpus, if you will), becoming the voice of both through the experience of perfect possession.

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