scholarly journals Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in the First World War

Balcanica ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 191-217
Author(s):  
Dragan Bakic
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
First World War ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Political Factor ◽  
World War ◽  
Chief Of Staff ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
First World

This paper analyses the role played by Regent Alexander Karadjordjevic in Serbia?s politics and military effort during the First World War. He assumed the position of an heir-apparent somewhat suddenly in 1909, and then regency, after a political crisis that made his father King Peter I transfer his royal powers to Prince Alexander just days before the outbreak of the war. At the age of twenty-six, Alexander was going to lead his people and army through unprecedented horrors. The young Regent proved to be a proper soldier, who suffered personally, along with his troops, the agonising retreat through Albania in late 1915 and early 1916, and spared no effort to ensure the supplies for the exhausted rank and file of the army. He also proved to be a ruler of great personal ambitions and lack of regard for constitutional boundaries of his position. Alexander tried to be not just a formal commander-in-chief of his army, but also to take over operational command; he would eventually manage to appoint officers to his liking to the positions of the Chief of Staff and Army Minister. He also wanted to remove Nikola Pasic from premiership and facilitate the formation of a cabinet amenable to his wishes, but he did not proceed with this, as the Entente Powers supported the Prime Minister. Instead, Alexander joined forces with Pasic to eliminate the Black Hand organization, a group of officers hostile both to him and the Prime Minister, in the well-known show trial in Salonika in 1917. The victories of the Serbian army in 1918 at the Salonika front led to the liberation of Serbia and the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), while Alexander emerged as the most powerful political factor in the new state.

Lord Beaverbrook's Fabrications in Politicians and the War, 1914–1916

1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Fraser
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
First World War ◽  
Detailed Account ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Commons ◽  
First World

In spite of occasional protests Lord Beaverbrook's narrative of British domestic politics during the first world war seems to retain the authority of a primary source. This is particularly true of the passages in Politicians and the war, 1914–1916 which cover the events in which he, then Sir Max Aitken, claimed to have taken an influential part. Mr A. J. P. Taylor in his appraisal of Beaverbrook's second volume covering the fall of Asquith in 1916 declares: ‘ It provides essential testimony for events during a great political crisis — perhaps the most detailed account of such a crisis ever written from the inside... The narrative is carried along by rare zest and wit, yet with the detached impartiality of the true scholar. ‘ Beaverbrook's apparent advantages might well seem conclusive. He was a contemporary agent as well as observer, summed up in his jaunty ‘ I was there!’. He was supposed to have enjoyed the complete confidence of Bonar Law, to have run a newspaper and to have kept a diary. An M.P. and virtual parliamentary private secretary to Bonar Law, whose rise to the Commons party leadership he appeared to have engineered, Aitken could be presumed to be politically on the ‘inside’. A tycoon of Canadian business ‘mergers’ and a self-made millionaire at a young age, he was esteemed by Law to be one of the cleverest men he knew.

scholarly journals Organization of the Police of the Russian Empire during the First World War

2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (3) ◽  
pp. 20-27
Author(s):  
Александр Касьянов ◽  
Aleksandr Kasyanov ◽  
Андрей Удальцов ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov ◽  
Елена Новопавловская ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Knowledge ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
First World War ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First World

The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the work of the police of the Russian Empire in the period of acute domestic political crisis. Analysis of the experience of police reorganization and evaluation of the effectiveness of the reforms in the period under review are undoubtedly important for both historical and legal science and practical activities of modern internal Affairs bodies, since the quality and results of such work depend on the state of public order. The aim of the study is to study on the basis of historical, structural, functional and other methods of scientific knowledge of the organizational structure of the police, its changes in wartime. On the basis of the obtained results it is concluded that the task of the wartime activities of the police in the present historical period has been significantly transformed, however, taken measures to strengthen the police force proved insufficient to radically change its work, in consequence of which she was unable properly to combat rising crime, to counter the growing disorganization of society.

Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (02) ◽  
pp. 243-269
Author(s):  
Matthew Hendley
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
First World War ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
Iron And Steel ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
First World ◽  
General Strike

Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.

scholarly journals Challenging ‘Imperialist’ Cinematography: IRA Attacks on Dublin Cinemas, 1925-1939

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-133
Author(s):  
Donal Fallon
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
Department Of Justice ◽  
World War ◽  
War Films ◽  
Chief Of Staff ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Republican Movement ◽  
First World ◽  
War Film

In mid-November 1925, the Masterpiece cinema in Dublin was called upon by armed men, who seized seven of its eight copies of the First World War film The Battle of Ypres. Shortly afterwards, on 20 November, it was reported that the showing of its remaining copy was enough for the IRA to explode ‘a powerful landmine in the wide entrance to the Masterpiece cinema in Talbot Street’. This marked the beginning of a series of attacks upon Dublin picturehouses. The 1920s and 1930s witnessed sustained denunciation of war cinematography in republican publications such as An Phoblacht and Irish Freedom, as well as occasional violent assaults upon cinemas. This was part of a broader ‘Boycott British’ movement, and an IRA campaign against what it saw as cultural imperialism. Drawing on state intelligence files, such as the Crime and Security papers of the Department of Justice, contemporary newspaper reports from both the mainstream and separatist press, and the archives of leading IRA figures such as Chief of Staff (1926-1936) Moss Twomey, this article demonstrates the manner in which the republican movement attempted to impose censorship on the Dublin cinema industry. It examines the manner in which several war films were selectively censored and amended before they were presented to the Irish public, indicating the fears of the authorities regarding potential political assault.

VIII. Sir Robert Borden, Lloyd George and British Military Policy, 1917–1918

1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-395 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Cook
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
First World War ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
World War ◽  
Direct Involvement ◽  
Total War ◽  
The Past ◽  
British Military ◽  
The First World War ◽  
First World

‘Let the past bury its dead, but for God's sake let us get down to earnest endeavour and hold this line until … the end.’ No other words can more adequately express, after four years of war, the sheer agony of the Canadian Prime Minister, Sir Robert L. Borden. These words also suggest both his attitude to the war in general and his intense frustration with die supreme direction. Like Lloyd George, Borden was an exponent of total war and of victory. His proclamation that Canada was ‘fighting not for a truce but victory’, was strikingly similar to Lloyd George's own declaration that ‘the fight must be to a finish—to a knockout’. The objective, proclaimed at die conclusion of the Somme battles, seemed no less remote in the middle of 1918. Over the last two, and most critical, years of the First World War there was constant contention within Britain over how the objective was to be secured. One aspect of the contention was the direct involvement of Dominion leaders, especially Sir Robert Borden.

Patrick Blackett in India: military consultant and scientific intervenor, 1947-72. Part one

1999 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.S Anderson
Keyword(s):  
Royal Society ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Career ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Military Development ◽  
The Military ◽  
Jawaharlal Nehru ◽  
First World

Invited to lunch at the Nehru home in January 1947, Patrick Blackett was seated beside the acting Prime Minister. Jawaharlal Nehru knew of Blackett's experience in war and military affairs, and asked him how long it would take ‘to Indianize the military’, meaning both its command structure and its weapons production and supply. He was not yet the Prime Minister and India was not yet an independent nation. Blackett's reply was a challenging one, obliging Nehru to explore two different kinds of strategy and thus two different military set-ups. For the ‘realistic’ strategy Blackett preferred, he told Nehru that Indianization could be completed in 18 months; this would prepare India for conflict with other similar powers in the region. For the unrealistic strategy, in which India would prepare for conflict with major world powers, Blackett predicted it would take many, many years. Nehru liked his approach, and wrote to him soon afterwards to ask Blackett to advise him on military and scientific affairs. From this invitation much followed. In this paper, the first of two about Patrick Blackett in India, I examine the record from his perspective upon his work with and for the military. He was regularly in touch with military development in India between 1947 and roughly 1965, advising the Chiefs of Staff, the Minister of Defence and the Prime Minister himself. He carried with him the experience and opinions generated from his military career beginning in the First World War, and most particularly his assumptions about the application of science to war from 1935 until he went to India in 1947. He kept informed about military development right through to his last journey to India in 1971, following the end of his term as President of the Royal Society.

scholarly journals Culture and Colonialism: The 1916 Shakespeare Tercentenary in Egypt

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-115
Author(s):  
Karma Sami ◽  
Monika Smialkowska
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
World War ◽  
Complex Response ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
First World

AbstractThe 300th anniversary of William Shakespeare’s death in 1916 coincided with an unprecedented political crisis across the globe. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 brought to the fore the ambitions of the established and would-be colonial powers, conflicts between and within existing nation states, and disenfranchised groups’ aspirations for self-determination. Recent scholarship has demonstrated how the 1916 Shakespearean commemorations in countries such as Britain, Germany, Ireland, and the USA registered these political upheavals. However, research into the Shakespeare Tercentenary has so far neglected Egypt’s complex response to the occasion. Amidst developing political tensions, which were to culminate in the Revolution of 1919, Egyptian intellectuals nevertheless chose to commemorate Shakespeare’s Tercentenary. These commemorations, however, were marked by ambivalence: while expressing admiration for Shakespeare, Egyptian commentators questioned the appropriateness of celebrating an English writer instead of promoting Egypt’s, and the Arabs’, own national literature. This chapter examines the manifestations of these conflicting feelings, ranging from the heated press debates surrounding the occasion, through Cairo University’s celebrations, to tributes published by individual intellectuals, such as Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid and Mohammed Hafiz Ibrahim. In doing so, the chapter explores the ambiguities created by celebrating a cultural anniversary at a historical moment fraught with acute colonial tensions.

scholarly journals FROM THE DATE OF PUBLICATION OF THE DECREE OF JUNE 25, 1916

2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
E.N. Ermukanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Military Service ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Human Cost ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
First World

The proclamation of the tsarist decree, which provoked the national liberation uprising in Kazakhstan in 1916, was discussed for many years among the highest authorities. It was first launched in 1910, before the First World War, and several times during the First World War., In the Council of Ministers, in the State Duma, in the State Councils. In the discussions, the military tax was finally introduced in 1915, saying, "In what form do we call the colonized peoples of the empire, who were exempted from military service, or replace them with a military tax?" The failures of the first two years of World War I, the high human cost, and the need for manpower to replace those on the front called for more manpower. The issue of conscription was once again on the agenda. forced. The Ministry of Defense had to revive the requisition. The issue has been repeatedly postponed by the authorities because of "political distrust" of the "whirlwind" peoples and the reluctance to hand over weapons. Even the November 1915 bill of the Ministry of Defense was rejected by the Council of Ministers in December this year. Finally, in the summer of 1916, when the situation on the front became more complicated, in May and June, the Prime Minister, the Minister of War and the Deputy Minister of the Interior had to make a joint decision. Records kept in a special journal of the Council of Ministers contain detailed information that the decision to hire was made by Prime Minister Sturmer, Minister of Defense Shuvaev, and Deputy Interior Minister Kukol-Yasnopolsky. This was not a new law, but a collection of military decrees on the former "requisition". The meetings also discussed the need to gather information from the regions on the views of local residents on this call. Representatives of the colonial authorities immediately began to implement the Decree.

scholarly journals Transformations of the Language of Diplomatic Correspondence between the Entente Countries and Germany before The First World War

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-397
Author(s):  
Yevgeniy Yu. Medvedev ◽  
Lauzin Duborgel Ntsiwou Batiako
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
World War ◽  
Legal Proceedings ◽  
Special Degree ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Everyday Communication ◽  
First World

The spheres of official communication, which include public administration, legal proceedings, legislation, etc., are regulated, in contrast to everyday communication. Activities in each of these spheres are subject to precisely defined, strictly established rules that regulate and legitimize it. The diplomatic language is characterized by a special degree of regulation. “The weight of a word” in international politics is extremely heavy, since the fate of entire states and peoples may depend on successful or unsuccessful communication between diplomats. The strict standardization of the diplomatic language should serve as a kind of deterrent against the growth of tension in international relations. The goal of this study is to identify the degree of susceptibility of the diplomatic correspondence language to transformations in the political crisis context (during wartime). The research material is based on the texts from the Orange book, a collection of diplomatic correspondence between warring countries before the outbreak of the First World War. The application of the contextual analysis method made it possible to determine the vector of changes in the diplomatic correspondence language caused by the political crisis: from restraint, emotionlessness, tact and politeness accepted in the diplomatic sphere to ultimatumness, categoricalness, manifestation of emotions and deviation from the principle of objective reflection of events.

scholarly journals Admiral Kolchak in Omsk: on history of Civil War in Russia and geopolitical redistribution of Europe after First World War

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-41
Author(s):  
S. V. Novikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
First World War ◽  
Military Power ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
First World ◽  
Supreme Commander

The article is devoted to the study of the circumstances of coming to power in the anti-Bolshevik Omsk of Admiral A. V. Kolchak. He concentrated in his hands the executive, legislative, judicial and military power becoming the Supreme Ruler of Russia and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. The author comes to the conclusion that the appearance of A.V. Kolchak in Omsk was a consequence of the contradictions between British and French politicians, and the admiral himself, relying on the British, was a victim of a redivision of the world following the First World War

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document