scholarly journals Nation-building under the Austro-Hungarian sceptre Croat-Serb antagonism and cooperation

Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 195-220
Author(s):  
Ana Trbovich

In the nineteenth century many European nations, including Serbs and Croats became politically conscious of their "nationhood", which became a contributory factor in the crumbling of the two great empires in Central-East Europe - the Habsburg and the Ottoman - at the beginning of the following century. The Serbs had, since medieval times, an awareness of their long history and tradition, great medieval civilization and cultural unity regardless of the fact that they lived under several different adminis?trations. As in the case of Habsburg Serbs, language and literature became building blocks of Croat national consciousness in the nineteenth century. Unlike Serb nationalism centred on people, Croat nationalism was mainly territory-related. Since both Serbs and Croats inhabited the Austro-Hungarian provinces claimed by the Croats as their "historical Right" (absorption in 1097 of the small medieval Croat state by the Hungarians is interpreted, by many Croat historians, as a voluntary act of union), the different conceptions of nationalism resulted in competing claims. Croatian politics became one of opposing any recognition of Serbian institutions and cultural characteristics without Serbs previously accepting the concept that the only "political nation" in the Austro-Hungarian Province of Croatia was Croatian. Nonetheless, Croats compromised when in need of Serb assistance in opposing Hungarian domination. In turn, Serb politics was divided between those supporting cooperation with the Croats in order to achieve greater autonomy from the Hungarians in the Dual Monarchy, and those who supported some cooperation but insisted on forming an entity separate from the Croats in the future and joining with the Kingdom of Serbia, which regained its independence in 1878. The ensuing world and civil wars brought the Croato-Serb conflict to the fore, with the first and the second Yugoslavia failing to accommodate the two nations' opposing aspirations.

Author(s):  
Kendra Schreiner

Myanmar is home to dozens of ethnic groups, languages, and political factions. This diversity coupled with racially and religiously defined political ideologies, has helped to fuel one of the world’s longest civil wars, spanning over half a century. This article explores the nation-building strategies pursued by successive governments since independence and their effects on the current political situation. It then focuses on the 2008 constitution, the return to democracy in 2010, and the transition to a civilian government following the 2015 election, and explores whether significant progress has been made to move the country out of civil war and into ethnically and politically inclusive democracy.


Author(s):  
Nicola Miller

This chapter recounts the nineteenth century as a century of engineers and the age of those who could draw. It emphasizes how drawing was crucial to so many areas of nation-building, such as in the surveying of land and sea, cartography, natural history and science, and the dissemination of all kinds of information like images of national heroes and impressions of war. It also discusses how drawing shaped the forms of national imaginings by sketching out the people, the streets and buildings, the landscape, and the flora and fauna of the various regions of the territory. The chapter highlights the art of the miniature, which began to flourish in the 1820s. It mentions the photography that came early to Latin America and played a part in stimulating national consciousness from the 1840s onwards.


Author(s):  
Andrew Kahn ◽  
Mark Lipovetsky ◽  
Irina Reyfman ◽  
Stephanie Sandler

This chapter focuses on two related subjects: the sharpening of historical awareness and the formation of Russian national consciousness. Mature historical narratives inspired historical fiction and drama. Tolstoy’s War and Peace offered a powerful nationalistic view of the Napoleonic Wars. Russians of all political persuasions attempted to articulate a view of Russia as a multinational empire and to define specifically Russian historical path. These attempts caused sharp generational conflicts reflected in literature, particularly the novel. Pushkin, neglected by the mid-nineteenth-century radicals, by the end of the century emerged as the poet of national significance, the incarnation of Russian national spirit.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ágoston Berecz

Abstract The article identifies place-name etymologies as a powerful tool in constructing national spaces. Since place names derive from one language or another, often visibly so, competing nationalisms have used them to support territorial claims. This strategy may appear trivial, but it dates back no further than the Romantic period. The article traces the story of how, by the end of the nineteenth century, suggested place-name origins had become building blocks of two opposed visions of Romanian ethnogenesis. In a context of competing nation-building, these scholarly reconstructions were thinly disguised statements about whose ancestors had lived first in Transylvania—defined here in a broad sense as the eastern, Romanian- and Hungarian-speaking parts of the contemporary Kingdom of Hungary—and therefore who was entitled to political sovereignty. Place-name derivations had been little more than rhetorical ornaments until nationalist scholars seized on them following the 1848 revolutions. It was later still, in response to the questioning of Romance-speaking continuity in Dacia, that a positivist generation adjusted them to the principles of comparative linguistics and onomastics, the latter devised by German scholars for the study of national antiquities. With some refinements, the two views are still held today as the legitimate versions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-135
Author(s):  
Lucila Mallart

This article explores the role of visuality in the identity politics of fin-de-siècle Catalonia. It engages with the recent reevaluation of the visual, both as a source for the history of modern nation-building, and as a constitutive element in the emergence of civic identities in the liberal urban environment. In doing so, it offers a reading of the mutually constitutive relationship of the built environment and the print media in late-nineteenth century Catalonia, and explores the role of this relation as the mechanism by which the so-called ‘imagined communities’ come to exist. Engaging with debates on urban planning and educational policies, it challenges established views on the interplay between tradition and modernity in modern nation-building, and reveals long-term connections between late-nineteenth-century imaginaries and early-twentieth-century beliefs and practices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Gemma Tulud Cruz

Christian missionaries played an important role in the Australian nation building that started in the nineteenth century. This essay explores the multifaceted and complex cultural encounters in the context of two aboriginal missions in Australia in the nineteenth century. More specifically, the essay explores the New Norcia mission in Western Australia in 1846-1900 and the Lutheran mission in South Australia in 1838-1853. The essay begins with an overview of the history of the two missions followed by a discussion of the key faces of the cultural encounters that occurred in the course of the missions. This is followed by theological reflections on the encounters in dialogue with contemporary theology, particularly the works of Robert Schreiter.


Author(s):  
M. Şükrü Hanioğlu

This chapter discusses Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's childhood in the ancient Macedonian capital of Salonica. The future founder of the Turkish Republic was born one winter, either in 1880 or in 1881. His upbringing was more liberal than that of most lower-class Muslims. No one in his family's circle of friends and relatives, for instance, practiced polygamy. Likewise, his father reportedly drank alcohol, which was abhorred by conservatives. The confusing dualism produced in Ottoman society by the reforms of the nineteenth century had its first imprint on Mustafa when his parents entered into a heated argument about his education. There is little doubt that Mustafa Kemal's deep-seated predilection for new institutions and practices owed much to his years as one of a handful of students in the empire who had their primary education at a private elementary school devoid of a strong religious focus.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 205-210
Author(s):  
Dumitru Iancu ◽  
Dorel Badea

AbstractWe communicate and decide every day, but the complexity of the context in which we do these things is increasing. Today, the cultural structure of the organization’s members, due to the need to have competent employees in correlation with the established objectives, is somewhat puzzled and dynamical. Thus, the decision-makers must take into account (mandatory) the cultural basis of the subordinates when choosing the best alternative for solving an organizational problem. From this perspective, Hofstede’s model can be one of the explanatory modalities of the organization’s cultural characteristics as a basis to identify the action’s solutions in that organization for the future.


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