scholarly journals Hacia una ética de la responsabilidad desde el pensamiento ético-político guaraní

Pelícano ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 007
Author(s):  
Cristian Andino

Towards an Ethic of Responsibility from The Ethical-Political Thinking GuaraniResumenA partir de la descripción de la dimensión utópica del logos-palabraguaraní, enmarcado en el proceso de resistencia a la lógica colonial de lahomogeneización y del pensamiento único, se analizan en este artículo tres momentos fundamentales inspirados en la sabiduría y el pensamiento éticopolítico guaraní, a saber: el principio formal de fundamentación ética en la palabra, el discurso que cimienta un modo de vida: ñandereko; el principio político formal en la búsqueda utópica del yvy marane’y, la tierrasin mal, que encuentra su realización concreta en el principio material de una economía del don (reciprocidad). Los dos principios “formales” de fundamentación ético-político encuentran su momento de concreción “material” fundamental en la economía que posibilita la vida comunitaria y nos sirve de inspiración teórica para plantear actualmente alternativas a la sociedad de consumo capitalista.AbstractSince the description of the utopian dimension of Guarani’s word-logos, embarked in the process of resistance to the colonial logic of homogenization and the single thinking, in this article are analyzed three fundamental moments inspired in the wisdom and the politicalethical thinking guarani, to know: the formal principle of ethic founding in the word, the discourse that engages a lifestyle: ñandereko; the political-formal principle in the utopic search of yvy marane¨y, the earth without evil , that found his concrete realization in the material principle of an economy of the gift (reciprocity). The two “formal” principles of ethic-politics find his moment of “material” concretion fundamental in the economy that enable the community life and serve us of inspiration to plan current alternatives to the society of capitalist consumption.Key words: Thinking, Principle, Resistance, The Earth without Evil, Reciprocity.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-128
Author(s):  
Syamsiyani Yani

The political upheaval that has been on display in Indonesia lately is increasingly showing the poor morality of society and the nation's civilization.  Al-Fārabi invites politics to achieve the existence of peace and happiness, one of which is the ideal state or al-Madinah al-Fādilah. This is where the goal of presenting the figure of the Islamic philosopher, al-Fārabi as a very famous figure who is famous for his thought ‘ara Ahl al-Mādinah. The method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative library research approach. A descriptive approach is a research method that aims to develop a theory of thought or figure. The aim is to reveal the reality of al-Fārabi's thinking in accordance with the reality in the field, from al-Fārabi's political thinking is expected to create an advanced Indonesian state, a happy and ideal country, especially for universal community life.


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Clark

A great many factors other than philanthrophy influenced social policy in England during the Middle Ages. Although political thinkers steadfastly acknowledged the importance of received tradition, especially the religious command to help the poor, many lawmakers were profoundly ambivalent about begging. It is true that the opinion of the nineteenth century implied that medieval almsgiving was so “reckless” that English “beggars had an easy life,” but more recent research has challenged this perspective, bringing the parameters of medieval mendicancy into sharper focus. Seen individually, beggars were pathetic and vulnerable, but if viewed collectively they were thought to be dangerous and willfully idle. Parliament's decision to regulate begging in the years after the first appearance of the Black Death (1349–50) compelled the king's subjects to rethink the claims of the needy, even though almsgiving had long seemed a positive aspect of community life. Obviously by the close of the fourteenth century something had happened to broaden the story of casual relief, extending its boundaries beyond religious impulse to include the frustrations and passions that animated the political arena. Here contentious voices sounded, although parliamentary argument and debate were often tempered by the conviction that men of affairs could legislate a more orderly realm. Even so, efforts at social planning were by no means limited to statutory decree or confined to the late medieval world.


Apeiron ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 405-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Maximilian Robitzsch

Abstract This paper deals with Heraclitus’ political thought. First, in discussing the conception of cosmic justice, it argues that it is a mistake to separate Heraclitus’ political thought from his cosmological thought. Second, the paper works out two basic principles of Heraclitean political thinking by offering a close analysis of fragment B 114 as well as related texts. According to Heraclitus, (1) there is a standard common and relevant to all human beings in the political realm, namely, the logos, and (2) ruling well is a matter of grasping the logos and using it as a guide in all things political. Finally, the paper tackles the notoriously difficult question of whether there are certain forms of political order towards which Heraclitean thought is more or less inclined. According to what may be called the traditional view, Heraclitus is seen as a supporter of an aristocratic political order, while according to what may be called the revisionist view, Heraclitus is classified as a supporter of a democratic political order. The paper concludes that while Heraclitean philosophy is compatible with a plethora of different forms of political order, including democratic ones, the two basic principles of Heraclitean politics that were distinguished above are more conducive to aristocratic forms of political order.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dina Aliuddin

This paper analyses the political thinking of Almarhum Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III through his Syair Nasihat or The Ode of Advice. Almarhum Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin III wrote Syair Nasihat in 1957 and it expresses His Majesty’s insights on how culture and ethical values are essential social elements for preserving and promoting what is recognisable today as the Maqāsid of the Sharī’ah. This paper argues that although the concept of ‘Islamic Governance’ is a recent addition to the Muslim political vocabulary, the practice of governing in an Islamic way is not. Almarhum Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III conveyed his ideas on Islamic Governance via the verses of his Ode of Advice where he expounded aspects of the Maqāsid, and as the mission of a true Islamic leader.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-175
Author(s):  
Reza Mahmoodoghli ◽  
Hosein Harsij ◽  
Seyed Javad Emamjomehzadeh ◽  
Hosein Masoudnia

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-133
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ivanov ◽  
◽  
Irina V. Fotieva ◽  
Irina A. Gerasimova ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the heritage of the Roerich family – Nikolai Konstantinovich, Elena Ivanovna, Yuri Nikolaevich, Svyatoslav Nikolaevich, and its role in the current sit­uation of world crisis, especially for the Eurasian geopolitical space. The authors substan­tiate the thesis that the political and cultural views of the Roerich family matured parallel to the movement of the Eurasians and in a number of aspects specify many their ideas. The authors reveal and explore the relevance and predictability of the key principles held by the Roerich family concerning the perspectives of Russia and the areas of Eurasian co­operation. In the legacy of the Roerich family, the main features of the impending global crisis are described in a visionary way. They saw a way out of the crisis in establishing the primacy of culture over economy, the primacy of the spiritual over the material. The Roerichs warned of the dangers of a barbaric relationship with nature, robotization and decomposition of consciousness. Their warnings about the dangers of a mechanical civilization are confirmed in the work of modern analysts. According to Roerichs, the ideal of cooperation and cooperation should become the basis of relations between peoples. The Roerichs emphasized the special importance of the Russian-Mongolian and Russian-Indian ties forming a geopolitical and spiritual “middle cross” of Eurasia. The commonality of the environmental, cultural and economic problems of the two great mountain regions of the Earth is a solid foundation for future cooperation between scien­tists in the space of Eurasia.


Author(s):  
Pamela Radcliff

In the turbulent interwar period, the political ‘Left’ was one of the most visible protagonists, with historians continuing to disagree about the role it played in shaping the outcome of the political struggles. Embedded in strong ‘moral narratives’ about the ‘rise of fascism’, the ‘crisis of democracy’, and the nature of the Bolshevik Revolution, the political Left has been vilified or lionized. For the period from the mid-1920s until 1939, both supporters and detractors agree that the Left was on the defensive, internally divided and weakened by the Great Depression and subject to repression by the state, whether democratic, authoritarian, or Stalinist. This chapter argues that the failure narrative should not subsume the vibrant experimentation and rich and contradictory diversity of the Left experience. A portrait emerges of the interwar Left that wrestled with inevitably imperfect and varied solutions to the ‘problem of community life’ in twentieth-century mass society.


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