scholarly journals MUSIC ON THE SOCIALIST BULGARIAN RADIO AS A TOOL FOR ESTABLISHING THE NATIONAL (SOCIALIST) IDENTITY

Author(s):  
Vyara Angelova

The text deals with the problems related to the Bulgarian state radio strivings during the socialism period to assist in the establishment of the national identity through the prism of the particular issue of music broadcasts. The analysis is based on archival documents consisting of minutes of the meetings of radio management, as well as relevant documents from the Bulgarian Communist Party archives. The question about the ratio of Bulgarian to foreign music on the radio not only as an element of media cultural significance but also as a national state policy arises. The presence of Western music on the radio program is studied as a result of the pressure exerted from public and state power.

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-218
Author(s):  
Laurenz Müller

History textbooks speak of an American, an English, a French, and a Russian revolution, but historians do not recognize a “German Revolution.” For this reason the formation of a German national state was long described as an aspect of a German “divergent path” (Sonderweg) or exceptionalism. While this concept established itself in post-1945 West Germany, German historical scholarship had even earlier insisted on a uniquely German transition from the Old Regime to the modern state, fundamentally different from what took place in the other western European countries. Still earlier, German idealist thinkers had declared the national state (Reich) to be the German people's historical objective. Around 1900 the Reich was understood to be not a rational community based on a contract between independent individuals, as were France and England, but a national community of destiny. The German ideal was not a republic split up into political parties but an organic community between the Reich's people and its rulers. This is why German history had never known a successful revolution from below. During the nineteenth and the early twentieth century, this alleged unity was seen in a positive light, but after 1945 it inspired an explanation, which quickly became canonical, of why German history had led to a catastrophe. German exceptionalism was now understood, especially by German social historians, as a one-way street toward the National Socialist regime.


Author(s):  
Sutapa Dutta ◽  

Nilanjana Mukherjee’s book looks at construction of space, leading from imaginative to concrete contours, within the context of the British imperial enterprise in India. Fundamental to her argument is that colonial definitions of sovereignty were defined in terms of control over space and not just over people, and hence it was first necessary to map the space and inscribe symbols into it. In the latter half of the eighteenth century, imperialism and colonization were complex phenomena that involved new and imminent strategies of nation building. No other period of British history, as Linda Colley has noted, has seen such a conscious attempt to construct a national state and national identity (Colley 1992). Although the physical occupation of India by the British East India Company could be said to have begun with the battle of Plassey (1757), nevertheless the process of conquest through mediation of symbolic forms indicate the time and manner in which the ‘conquest’ was conscripted


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (55) ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Dariusz Standerski

Abstract The article aims to verify whether, in the 1980s, there was a significant decrease in the involvement of the regional communist party structures in charge of economic affairs in Poland. The analysis is made on the case of the Warsaw Committee (KW) of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP). Archival documents gathered in the State Archive in Warsaw were used to perform the analysis. The protocols of the meetings of the Executive and Secretariat 1970–1989 were collected, described and analysed. Moreover, the analysis was supplemented by the Statistical Yearbooks of Warsaw (GUS, 1957–1974), the Statistical Yearbooks of the Capital City of Warsaw (GUS, 1976–1981) and the Journal of Laws of the People's Republic of Poland 1970–1989. A statistical analysis of economic activity of the KW of the PUWP in the context of macroeconomic variables and economic activity of central authorities was performed. The correlation coefficient between macroeconomic performance and Party activity indicates the convergence of both trends in the 1970s and the lack of correlation in the 1980s. The decline in engagement after 1978 was unprecedented. In this period, there was a discrepancy between the activities of the central government and the Party apparatus, which remained in place until the end of the system. Institutional mechanisms in the Principal–Agent relation weakened significantly in 1980s.


Author(s):  
Mark Rice

This chapter focuses on the centennial celebrations of Hiram Bingham’s “discovery” of Machu Picchu. The lavish ceremony illustrated how Peruvian national state now embraced Machu Picchu as a sign of national identity. It shows how transnational networks of capital, culture, and travel had made Machu Picchu into a global symbol of Peru. However, the continued lack of social or economic inclusion of Andean communities into the Peruvian nation casts light on the limits and potential threat that such processes can have. The influence of tourism and global consumption of Machu Picchu has unmoored the site from the region of Cusco. A century of tourism growth has transformed cusqueños into figurative owners of Peruvian national identity while simultaneously displacing their control over the region’s economic and political future.


2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMMET O CONNOR

After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ceren Belge

AbstractFollowing the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the twin goals of centralizing state power and inscribing a uniform national identity on all citizens resulted in the proliferation of disciplinary practices that required changes in habits and everyday life as well as in the locus of faith, allegiance, and obedience. Nowhere were the repercussions felt as deeply as in the Kurdish regions, where the urge to create a new citizen sparked considerable resistance. This article suggests that alongside Kurdish nationalist movements, kinship networks and morality constituted an alternative reservoir of resistance to the new disciplinary practices that followed state building. By subverting state practices to make citizens legible, kinship networks, I argue, undermined the state's attempts to establish bureaucratic authority and create an exclusive identity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 694-712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tornike Metreveli

Since the Rose Revolution (2003), Georgia has encountered an unprecedented scale of institutional reforms concomitant with the rise of American and European involvement in the “democratization” process. Various scholars have suggested that Georgian nationalism developed from an ethno-cultural basis to a more civic/liberal orientation after the Rose Revolution. This paper analyzes Georgian nationalism under President Mikheil Saakashvili to demonstrate the significant divergence between political rhetoric on national identity, the selection of symbols, and state policy toward the Georgian Orthodox Church versus state policy toward ethnic minorities. The aim of this article is to examine the at times conflicting conceptions of national identity as reflected in the public policies of Saakashvili's government since the Rose Revolution. It attempts to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context and suggests conceptualizing the state-driven nationalism of the post-Rose Revolution government as “hybrid nationalism” as opposed to civic or ethno-cultural.


2009 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Larisa Efimova

This article uses recently declassified archival documents from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (of Bolsheviks) concerning the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948. This evidence contradicts speculation that ‘orders from Moscow’ were passed to Southeast Asian communists at this time, helping to spark the rebellions in Indonesia, Malaya, Burma and the Philippines later that year. Secret working papers now available to researchers show no signs that the Soviet leadership planned to call upon Asian communists to rise up against their national bourgeois governments at this point in time. This article outlines the real story behind Soviet involvement in events leading up to the Calcutta Youth Conference, showing both a desire to increase information and links, and yet also a degree of caution over the prospects of local parties.


Author(s):  
Sergei I. Zhuk

This paper explores the connections between cultural consumption, ideology, and identity formation in one particular city of the Soviet Ukraine during the Brezhnev era before perestroika. This industrial city, Dniepropetrovsk, was closed to foreigner visits by the KGB in 1959 because it became the location for one of the biggest missile factories in the Soviet Union. Given its closed, sheltered existence, Dniepropetrovsk became a unique Soviet social and cultural laboratory in which various patterns of late socialism collided with the new Western cultural infl uences. Using archival documents, periodicals, personal diaries and interviews as historical sources, this paper focuses on how various aspects of cultural consumption (reading books, listening and dancing to Western music) among the youth of the Soviet “closed city” contributed to various forms of cultural identifi cation, which eventually became elements of post-Soviet Ukrainian national identity.


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