scholarly journals On the Practical Limitation of The OIC’s Solidarity for Refugee

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. p11
Author(s):  
Siti Aliyuna Pratisti ◽  
Deasy Silvya Sari

This article discusses relations between the ethical and the practical sphere of solidarity for refugees in Islam. The study on refugees in this article, however, focused on the political and social context of solidarity; thus, theological exploration will not be the main subject. Theoretical discourse on religion and social solidarity is applied to outline the practical limitations of the principles. As for methodology, the literature review method is employed to engage the normative ethics also documents of the OIC initiatives. We find that the Limitation of solidarity in the OIC countries reflect Redekop’s idea of social solidarity: multidimensional, religion as the source of solidarity, the social ecology of Muslim countries limits the practical implementation of the common rule, social solidarity has a compositional effect and every resource or responsibility has to be distributed, and solidarity is achieved through various social institutions.

2021 ◽  
pp. 239448112110203
Author(s):  
Supriya Rani ◽  
Neera Agnimitra

Devbans are the parts of forest territory that have been traditionally conserved in reverence to the local deities in various parts of Himachal Pradesh. Today, they stand at the intersection of tradition and modernity. This paper endeavours to study the political ecology of a Devban in the contemporary times by looking at the power dynamics between various stakeholders with respect to their relative decision making power in the realm of managing the Devban of Parashar Rishi Devta. It further looks at howcertain political and administrative factors can contribute towards the growth or even decline of any Devban. The study argues that in the contemporary times when the capitalist doctrines have infiltrated every sphere of the social institutions including the religion, Devbans have a greater probability of survival when both the state and the community have shared conservatory idealsand powers to preserve them.


Author(s):  
John Tolan ◽  
Gilles Veinstein ◽  
Henry Laurens

This chapter examines the fate of the minority Christians in the Muslim countries of Europe and of minority Muslims in Christian countries in the aftermath of conquest. It shows that, once the conquest was achieved, the new subjects had to be integrated into the political and social order. These religious “minorities,” who in actuality were often in the numerical majority immediately after the conquest, were usually granted a protected but subordinate place in society. Theologians and jurists justified their subordination, defining their role with reference to the founding texts (Qur'an, Hadith, Bible, or Roman law). These minorities were sometimes the victims of persecutions, acts of violence, and expulsions, but in general they enjoyed a status where their theoretical inferiority (religious and legal) did not prevent some of them from achieving clear economic and social success.


1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.


1958 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. N. Eisenstadt

Centralized bureaucratic polities can be defined as those political systems with the following major characteristics: first, the political sphere is relatively autonomous and distinct from other social institutions and second, there exist special permanent administrative organizations. We shall base our analysis on a number of pre-modern historical examples: the ancient Egyptian Empires, the Sassanid Empire of Persia, the Chinese Empires from the period of Han onwards, the Roman and Byzantine Empires, certain European countries (especially France) in the age of Absolutism, and the Spanish American Empire. Our purpose is to bring out the common characteristics of the political process in these historical societies, especially as it effects their continuity and stability. In the following pages we shall present some preliminary hypotheses and analyses about the political process in these polities. These hypotheses and analyses are derived from a larger and more detailed study which is in progress.


Author(s):  
Arkady Sokolov

The author introduces theoretical, technological and sociological interpretations of the human category “function”. The functional approach in library studies, bibliography, and bibliology is explored. The common character of the essential functions of the social institutions within the bibliological sphere is revealed.


HUMANIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
I Gede Prama Saputra ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan ◽  
Coleta Palupi Titasari

This study is concentrated on a group of inscriptions currently stored in Bale Agung Kintamani Temple. Therefore the problemsis consists of two questions, those are: how the linguistic aspects of the inscription and aspects of social institutions enclosed to the inscription. The are two phasesresearch method. Data collection is done through libraryresearch and observation to documentation result. The collected dataare analyzed through morphological analysis and qualitative analysis.The research results showed that the Kintamani E inscription contains several aspects of language such as the using of affixation are Perfix: (di-, sa-, a- or ma-, pa-, ka-, pari-, Infix: -um- , -in-, suffixes: -nya-, -aken, - ?n, konfiks: (pa - an), (ma - an), (ka - an), (ma - ak?n), (pa - nya), (saka-nya).The social orders involved the political aspect, economic aspect, religious aspect and social aspects contained in the inscription very possibly reflectedthe society at that time


Author(s):  
О.А. Игумнов

в статье предложен авторский подход, основанный на представлении об организационном социальном капитале как объекте изучения, не сводимом к сумме индивидуальных социальных капиталов или к общественному социальному капиталу. Представлено понимание организационного социального капитала как организационного ресурса, обладающего содержательной и типологической сложностью. Социальная солидарность рассматривается с позиций глобального цивилизационного кризиса, демонстрирующего исчерпанность модели западного развития. Отсутствие ясных ориентиров социального движения, дефицит «духовных скреп» формирует ситуацию поиска практико-ориентированного концепта. Один из таких концептов – идея солидарного общества, в основе которого лежит принцип: «жить не для себя, не для других, а со всеми и для всех». Солидарное общество представляет собой альтернативу обществу индивидуализированному, разорванному, атомистическому и основано на общности ответственности. Процессы формирования социального капитала и солидарного общества схожи, поскольку исходят из сущности социального закона: первичны социальные отношения, вторичны социальные институты, третичны – организации. И социальный капитал, и социальная солидарность основаны на первичности социальных отношений. Общность основания позволяет рассматривать указанные феномены как взаимосвязанные и в значительной мере взаимообусловливающие тренды социального развития. the article suggests the author's approach based on the organizational social capital idea as an object of study that is not reduced to the sum of individual social capitals. An understanding of organizational social capital as an organizational resource with content and typological complexity is presented. Social solidarity is viewed from the perspective of a global civilizational crisis that demonstrates the exhaustion of the Western development model. The lack of clear guidelines for the social movement, the lack of “spiritual bonds” creates a situation of searching for a practice-oriented concept. One of these concepts is a solidary society idea which is based on the principle: “live not for yourself, not for others, but with everyone and for everyone”. A solidary society is an alternative to an individualized, broken, and atomistic society because of it is based on shared responsibility. The processes of social capital and solidary society formation are similar in essence since they proceed from the essence of the social law: primary social relations, secondary social institutions, and tertiary organizations. Both social capital and social solidarity are based on the primacy of social relations. The common ground allows us to consider these phenomena as mutually interrelated and largely mutually determining social development trends.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153-180
Author(s):  
Jason Frank

One of the central ironies of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political thought was that the democratic era that promised to bring conscious human agency to an equal mankind, freeing human beings from their bondage to tradition and their submission to the sacred, actually threatened them with unprecedented forms of domination. Tocqueville’s sense of “religious terror” is engendered from the spectacle of everyone being “driven willy-nilly along the same road” and having “joined the common cause, some despite themselves, others unwittingly, like blind instruments in the hands of God.” “Religious terror” is both a symptom and a diagnosis of his concern with the deflated status of individual agency in democratic contexts, and with the related eclipse of the political by the social question. This chapter explores this dimension of Tocqueville’s thought and its relation to his denial of such agency to any collective actor, to deny heroism, and its associated grandeur, to the popular will.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-432
Author(s):  
Dong-Kyun Im

In the last decades, enhancing social trust and improving social quality have been often considered as the antidote to the problems produced by the neoliberal makeover of the social life. However, it remains unclear whether higher social quality and trust actually produce more pro-social attitudes among people. Based on a statistical analysis of a cross-national survey administered in five countries, this article shows that social quality and social trust, as empirical indicators of the social, do not always generate pro-social attitudes. It demonstrates that perceived social quality and trust on social institutions can generate both conservative and liberal attitudes toward social welfare and taxation. In order to explain the varying effects of social quality and trust, we propose a heuristic model of political cognition and motivation, which illustrates how the political variety of the social is possible. Our model highlights the contextual contingencies of the political meaning of the social.


2020 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-458
Author(s):  
Eugene Heath

AbstractSeventeenth-century English common lawyer Sir John Davies sets forth, in his Irish Reports, a provocative and interesting argument on the nature of custom and its relation to the common law. This relatively unexplored argument shows how actions may emerge from conditions of liberty and slowly acquire qualities of social benefit and agreeability that are essential if the common law is to be identified with custom. Davies not only provides a coherent account of how custom might possess some reasonability, but he also seems to suggest that custom is unintended, thereby anticipating a theme found in eighteenth-century thinkers such as Mandeville, Hume, Ferguson, and Burke. In addition, Davies's account has important implications for political theory: the priority of the social over the political and a notion of political consent that arises via custom itself.


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