scholarly journals Looking Beyond a Nuclear-Armed Iran: The Major Implications of Nuclear Iran for the Middle East

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. p50
Author(s):  
Sayed Reza Hussaini

Iran has pursued nuclear weapons for over four decades. The basic reasons for this quest have remained unchanged in the face of the most crippling sanctions. Almost three and a half years after Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran Nuclear Pact (JCPOA), Tehran officially announced that it has enriched uranium up to 60%, very close to the 90% suitable for nuclear weapons. Iran is highly likely to be the world’s next nuclear state. A nuclear-armed Iran will be emboldened to accelerate its aggressive activities in the region and act against its neighbors with little fear of retribution. Moreover, Iran’s network of proxies would adopt a more confrontational approach towards Israel. Besides, Iran’s politics of threat can have serious socioeconomic consequences for Israel.Iran’s possession of nuclear weapons could arguably set off a cascade effect, encouraging other major regional powers to move in the same direction. The West, particularly the United States, would seek to offset this risk by providing a “defenceumbrella”. HhhhjkhggHowever, some might be reluctant to be openly protected by the United Statesor would find the umbrella questionable and choose nuclear option for both security concerns and prestige.

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Reza Bakhtiar Ramadhan

Using the method of discourse analysis and the theory of Balance of Power as a media for analysis of this paper seeks to find out why and how the increase in Iranian military power threatens the hegemony of the United States in the Middle East. Significant increases in Iranian military power are thought to threaten US interests in the Middle East. Post-revolution of Iran under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979 has turned this country into a new political and military power. Since then, relations between Iran and the West, especially the United States, are becoming more tense. Iran's policy on nuclear weapons has triggered an arm of race in the Middle East. Even Iran is considered to threaten the stability of the region's security. Especially the security of the United States allies in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia emerged as one of Iran's main opponents in the Middle East region. One vote with a colleague of the United States, the Saudis have always denounced all Iranian political and military policies. Given the enormous importance of the United States in the Middle East, as well as its responsibilities to the security of its allies in the Middle East, various ways in which the United States has secured its hegemony. Like strengthening alliances with its Middle East allies by way of massive military supply of weapons.


Author(s):  
Geir Lundestad

There are no laws in history. Realists, liberals, and others are both right and wrong. Although no one can be certain that military incidents may not happen, for the foreseeable future China and the United States are unlikely to favor major war. They have cooperated well for almost four decades now. China is likely to continue to focus on its economic modernization. It has far to go to measure up to the West. The American-Chinese economies are still complementary. A conflict with the United States or even with China’s neighbors would have damaging repercussions for China’s economic goals. The United States is so strong that it would make little sense for China to take it on militarily. There are also other deterrents against war, from nuclear weapons to emerging norms about international relations. It is anybody’s guess what will happen after the next few decades. History indicates anything is possible.


Author(s):  
Roland Dannreuther

This chapter addresses the important relationships that are currently evolving between Russia, China, and the Middle East. Russia and China have emerged as increasingly powerful actors in the Middle East and their presence and influence in the region has grown significantly. While both states have had longstanding historical links with the region, the twenty-first-century panorama is a quite distinctive one, with new economic and geopolitical factors driving a return to Middle East and North Africa (MENA). In addition, significant Muslim populations in both countries add another dynamic to contemporary Russian and Chinese relations with MENA. The chapter then identifies the challenges this presents for the United States and the West, and how the states and peoples of the Middle East are responding to the resurgence of Russian and Chinese power in the region.


After the 1990, it is very important that in the immediate vicinity of the geopolitical changes that have occurred in Turkey. The first changes is Iran and Iraq on the edge. Especially the Turkey-Iran and Iraq, all kinds of geopolitical developments occurring in the triple border, to a critical value. Because the triple border Iran and Iraq by Turkey as a safety check. For this reason, has become the center of all kinds of illegal developments. Iran, conducts a policy of asymmetric after 1990, in the Caucasus, and the Middle East and Central Asia geography. This policy from time to time an anti-U.S. hostility toward the West and exacerbate. The attitude of the West and the United States due to the foreign policy of Turkey's neighbor Iran rather problematic periods. Because the entire Middle East and Central Asia, Turkey's policies on Iran, which is a pretty effective. For this reason, Iran, Turkey is a country that needs to be analyzed by far the best.


Author(s):  
Philippe W. Zgheib

Corporate Intrapreneurship (CIP) is still viewed in many cases in the Arab region as a western concept that does not apply to the Middle East. Whereas Corporate Intrapreneurship (CIP) has been an area of increased interest in the United States and in Europe in the last few decades, stimulated mainly by the hope that it will revitalize and regenerate the manufacturing industry, among others, in these countries, especially in the face of increased competition, in the Middle East CIP is still a somewhat new and sometimes vague concept with little understanding to its benefits and uses. The objective of this chapter is to link intrapreneurship to the well-developed literature on entrepreneurship, to develop a model that will allow us to incorporate those factors that are critical to the intrapreneurial zone of an organization.


2017 ◽  
pp. 929-944
Author(s):  
Philippe W. Zgheib

Corporate Intrapreneurship (CIP) is still viewed in many cases in the Arab region as a western concept that does not apply to the Middle East. Whereas Corporate Intrapreneurship (CIP) has been an area of increased interest in the United States and in Europe in the last few decades, stimulated mainly by the hope that it will revitalize and regenerate the manufacturing industry, among others, in these countries, especially in the face of increased competition, in the Middle East CIP is still a somewhat new and sometimes vague concept with little understanding to its benefits and uses. The objective of this chapter is to link intrapreneurship to the well-developed literature on entrepreneurship, to develop a model that will allow us to incorporate those factors that are critical to the intrapreneurial zone of an organization.


Author(s):  
Michael Mandelbaum

The undeniable threat that Iran poses to the other countries of the Middle East has its roots in the fundamentalist Islamist ideology that the ruling clerics there espouse. The clerics aspire to evict the long-engrained military forces, aid, and other influences of the United States from the region and to thus become the dominant power. In pursuit of these ambitious goals, Iran has trained and sponsored various proxy forces and terrorists in other nearby countries and has sought to acquire nuclear weapons for the state. Ultimately, these efforts have served to undermine the prospects of building peace in the region.


2019 ◽  
pp. 112-159
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Taliaferro

Chapter 4 examines the proliferation dispute between the United States and Pakistan. As with the Middle East, averting containment failure in South Asia was the overriding aim of the Ford, Carter, and Reagan administrations. Slowing or halting the clandestine Pakistani nuclear weapons program was always a subordinate goal. The Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 was the turning point. Chapter 4 examines the oscillations in US nonproliferation policies toward Pakistan, from the Ford administration’s offer of advanced fighters for nuclear restraint in 1975–1976, to the Carter administration’s imposition of sanctions in early1979, to the Reagan administration’s provision of a $1.4 billion foreign military assistance package and efforts to circumvent nonproliferation legislation in exchange for Pakistani dictator General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s pledge not to cross four nuclear “red lines” from 1981 to 1988, to the George H. W. Bush administration’s resumption of sanctions after the Soviet pullout from Afghanistan in 1990.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Mohamad Amine El Khalfi

Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is the result of diplomatic negotiations reached by the United States, Britain, France, Russia, China, Germany and Iran in 2015 regarding the Iran Nuclear Agreement. The emergence of this agreement was due to Iran's actions abusing its nuclear development to serve as a weapon of mass destruction in 2011. In response to this, Western countries imposed economic sanctions on Iran in the hope of weakening Iran's position so that it does not have the ability to continue its nuclear weapons program. In fact, these sanctions succeeded in weakening the Iranian economy but were not politically effective enough because the Iranian government remained strong, this led to Iran being still involved in various conflicts in the region and still insisting on developing its uranium enrichment. Iran's tough stance made Western countries choose to bring Iran into the negotiations by making offers that could attract Iran's attention. During the Obama administration, the United States succeeded in bringing Iran into the negotiations. An achievement when the United States together with Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany succeeded in getting Iran to agree to stop developing its nuclear weapons in exchange for the lifting of sanctions from the West. However, when the Donald Trump administration tensions began to re-emerge with the assassination of one of Iran's war generals that took place in 2020. The United States succeeded in bringing Iran into the talks. An achievement when the United States together with Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany succeeded in getting Iran to agree to stop developing its nuclear weapons in exchange for the lifting of sanctions from the West. However, when the Donald Trump administration tensions began to re-emerge with the assassination of one of Iran's war generals that took place in 2020. The United States succeeded in bringing Iran into the negotiations. An achievement when the United States together with Britain, France, Russia, China, and Germany succeeded in getting Iran to agree to stop developing its nuclear weapons in exchange for the lifting of sanctions from the West. However, when the Donald Trump administration tensions began to re-emerge with the assassination of one of Iran's war generals that took place in 2020.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-610
Author(s):  
Luís Antonio Paulino

Frente à experiência histórica do Ocidente, na qual o ciclo de hegemonia, competição, guerra e nova hegemonia tem se repetido desde que o Tratado de Vestfália, em 1648, criou o atual sistema de estados-nação independentes, a ascensão recente da China à condição de grande potência e o concomitante declínio do “soft power” e do “hard power” dos Estados Unidos  tem  levado muitos a prever um inevitável confronto entre os dois países na disputa pela hegemonia mundial. Mesmo nos Estados Unidos, a preocupação de que a China possa vir a tomar seu lugar como potência hegemônica global tem gerado reações fortes, com a China sendo apresentada para a opinião pública como o inimigo a ser contido e derrotado. Os chineses, por seu turno, alegam que a lógica poder-hegemonia está baseada na experiência histórica dos países ocidentais e que a mesma não se aplica ao caso da China. Afirmam que não é da natureza da China buscar a hegemonia, que a China pode alcançar o desenvolvimento sem buscar a hegemonia e que a busca da hegemonia seria um convite para sua própria destruição. Para os chineses, o atual sistema de governança global pelo Ocidente está em desacordo com o atual balanço de poder mundial e, por isso, advogam um novo modelo de governança compartilhada entre o Ocidente e o Oriente.   Abstract: In the face of Western historical experience in which the cycle of hegemony, competition, war and new hegemony has been repeated since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 created the present system of independent nation-states, China's recent rise to the condition of great power and the concomitant decline of soft power and hard power in the United States has led many to foresee an inevitable confrontation between the two countries in the struggle for world hegemony. Even in the United States, concern that China may take its place as a global hegemonic power has generated strong reactions, with China being presented to public opinion as the enemy to be restrained and defeated. The Chinese, for their part, claim that the logic of power-hegemony is based on the historical experience of Western countries and that it does not apply to the case of China. They assert that it is not China's nature to seek hegemony, that China can achieve development without seeking hegemony and that the pursuit of hegemony would be an invitation to its own destruction. For the Chinese, the current system of global governance by the West is at odds with the current balance of world power and therefore advocate a new model of shared governance between the West and the East. Key-words: China, United States, Hegemony.     Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Outubro/2018.


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