scholarly journals The Negotiation of Political Identity and Rise of Social Citizenship: A Study of the Former Female Combatants in Aceh Since the Helsinki Peace Accord

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arifah Rahmawati ◽  
Dewi H Susilastuti ◽  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Muhadjir Darwin

An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women's wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh's independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens?

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arifah Rahmawati ◽  
Dewi H Susilastuti ◽  
Mohtar Mas'oed ◽  
Muhadjir Darwin

An identity negotiation process, initiated after the peace agreement was reached, is currently underway in Aceh. This can be seen, for example, in the activities of the women joined in the Inong Balee troop, the women's wing of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) formed in the late 1990s. Their participation as women combatants is inseparable from the strong ethno-nationalistic identity and ethno-political struggle that sought Aceh's independence. Today, more than twelve years after peace was reached in Aceh, the Acehnese ethno-political identity has experienced a transformation. Although it has not entirely disappeared, their activities have been framed as part of Indonesian nationalism. This finding emphasizes that nation is not fixed, but transformable and negotiable. The once ethno-political identity has become a social national identity. This paper attempts to understand how former woman members of GAM through a qualitative narrative. This paper attempts to answer why this has happened and how former combatants have negotiated their identities. Is there still a sense of Acehnese nationalism, as they fought for, and how has this intersected with their Indonesian nationalism since they became ordinary citizens?


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 369
Author(s):  
Delfi Suganda ◽  
Retno Saraswati ◽  
Nabitatus Sa'adah

<p><em>This article aimed to analyze the role and chances of the Wali Nanggroe in its involvement in international peace and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. One of the functions mandated by the qanun (local laws) of Wali Nanggroe Institution is participation in local, national, and international peace. The participation of Wali Nanggroe Institution to be part of regional, national and international peace is an exciting study because most of Wali Nanggroe's members are currently former officials and former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement. This research will analyze the opportunities of the Wali Nanggroe Institute in its involvement in the world and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. This research shows the peace will continue after the peace agreement because many Acehnese leaders, former GAM leaders, believe that the MOU can bring Aceh to a self-government system through a peaceful and democratic process.</em> <em>that several opportunities can be used by it to carry out the function of peace, among others, the first is strong support from local political parties because Wali Nanggroe is an "old man" in Aceh; Third, good relations between Wali Nanggroe and foreign countries or bodies, as well as Wali Nanggroe's own experience in the negotiation process with the Government of Indonesia to realize the understanding of the Helsinki MoU in Finland.</em></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reni Kumalasari

This article tries to explain how the relationship between Islam and politics after the conflict between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). After the peace agreement between the two parties with the signing of the Helsinki MoU, the Indonesian government interpreted the agreement in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). The presence of the act makes the ulama a partner of the government in running the wheels of government by giving fatwa on issues of government, development, community development, and the economy. Furthermore, after peace, the role of the ulama was not only to give knowledge to the community, some ulama participated in practical politics. This was one of the effects of the UUPA, where Aceh was given the privilege of establishing local political parties. At present some ulama have occupied various positions in party management, and even participated in the regional head election (PILKADA), where religious values are used as a means of gaining power.


Author(s):  
Alison Chand

This chapter analyses the narratives of men who worked in reserved occupations in Clydeside to explore wider aspects of their individual subjectivities other than gender. Areas of subjectivity examined include national identity (picking up from the discussion in Chapter 3 and looking at men of non-British or Scottish nationality), class consciousness and political identity, religion and social activities. This chapter widens the picture of how men in reserved occupations experienced the war, arguing that male reserved workers were aware of ‘imagined’ collective subjectivity on a national level, and that important similarities existed between the subjectivities of men who worked in different regions of Britain, particularly those with higher proportions of men working in reserved occupations. The chapter re-enforces the notion that the subjectivities of such men existed on different levels and reflected to varying degrees the concepts of ‘imagination’ and ‘living’, making clear that the subjectivities of male civilian workers in wartime Clydeside comprised different national, ethnic, religious, class and political attributes, all integral and important to reserved men before, during and after the Second World War. Arguably, however, men were often aware of these integral aspects of their subjectivities on an ‘imagined’ level, and many aspects of them were superseded by a pre-occupation with everyday living, also continuous and fundamentally unchanged by wartime. In arguing for the continuity of different ‘imagined’ and ‘lived’ forms of subjectivity among men in reserved occupations in wartime Clydeside, this chapter re-enforces the notion that, although integral to masculinity, temporary wartime ideals did not fundamentally change the masculine subjectivities of male civilian workers.


Author(s):  
Ahmet Barbak

This chapter investigates the reformation process of public administration in the Republic of Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in 2005. Adopting decentralization as the key solution to conflict, reformation of public administration in Sudan found its impetus after the CPA. International organizations, namely the World Bank, United Nations Development Programme, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the International Monetary Fund, have engaged with Sudan through a variety of structural and sectoral adjustment programs. Drawing heavily on the analysis of related policy documents, this chapter, ultimately, seeks to depict how public administration reforms are identified and structured in conflict-affected contexts, compared to safe and stable conditions. At this point, it can be concluded that Sudan needs to determine its constitutional political identity first for succesful transition to democracy. Sudan seems unlikely to complete reforming its public administration unless it could have resolved issues of democratic transition and poverty.


Author(s):  
Alexander Bukh

This chapter explores national identity entrepreneurship related to Japan’s territories occupied by the Soviet Union in the waning days of WWII and focuses on the origins and transformations in the “Japan’s inherent territory” narrative. Originating in the critical juncture created by the defeat, the Soviet occupation, and the domestic reforms, the “inherent territory” framing of the occupied islands was initially utilized by the grassroots movement as part of an attempt to draw attention to the economic plight of those that suffered from the Soviet occupation. In the early 1950s, Hokkaido Prefecture embraced the irredentist cause as a means of political struggle with Tokyo. From the late 1960s, as a result of Tokyo’s appropriation of the “Northern Territories” and cooptation of the grassroots organizations, the narrative has changed significantly. From legitimation strategy, the “inherent territory” has gradually transformed into an end in itself, a symbol of injustice inflicted upon the nation.


Author(s):  
AAN Roy Sumardika

Mediation process means dispute resolution through negotiation process for obtaining a peace agreement between the parties by using a third party in settling the dispute. Article 130 HIR/154 RBg determines peace efforts may use since the trial began before a judge hands down the dispute. Mediation as part of the Alternative Dispute Resolution is a process outside the court, but Indonesian Supreme Court Rules No. 1/2008 integrates it in the court proceedings and allows the mediation process at the level of legal remedy. So the problem investigated is the court decision re-mediated and the peace agreement mediation results. The method used normative legal research by Legislation Approach and to deepen the research study also use a Legal Concept Analysis Approach which is intended to establish a view and legal arguments in solving the problem at hand. Case that has been decided by the courts is not possible to re-mediated. The mediation process at the level of legal remedy is contrary to the law, especially the provisions of Article 130 HIR / 154 RBg. Indonesian Supreme Court Rules as rules are hierarchically under the law (HIR/RBg) not justified material being regulated substance exceeding material are governed by higher laws. So Indonesian Supreme Court Rules No. 1/2008 can not be a legal basis to regulate the integration of mediation into the docket particularly about mediation at the level of legal remedy because the principle of lex superiori derogat legi inferiori and the principle of lex specialis derogat legi generali not met.


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