Governments, Governance and War: What We Have Learned in Iraq An Introduction

Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Valerie Patterson

Reflective of Public Voices unique approach, the works selected for the symposium represent a wide specter of genres: from analytical articles to an eyewitness account to several poems and a play. The symposium contributors, each through a different lens, examine issues of governance and war, democracy and freedom, national security and the right of nations to self-determination and discuss the lessons the conflict in Iraq has taught us about bureaucracy, civil service, political actors and the value of human life.

The Hijaz ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 155-204
Author(s):  
Malik R. Dahlan

Chapter 6 is an international legal examination of the status of The Hijaz in the aftermath of its conquest and absorption into a Saudi personal union. It discusses the impact of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States as well as the Territorial Principle. The Chapter tackles the legal question of secession and warns against the pitfalls of the ‘Self-Determination Trap’. It draws lessons from the difference between involuntary extinction of states as opposed to their creation. By looking at the cases of Czechoslovakia and Quebec it tackles the issue of ‘the Right to Secession by Agreement’. The Chapter reflects on lessons from Scotland, Catalan and Kurdistan highlighting that The Hijaz presents us with a delicate and nuanced understanding of ‘Internal Self-Determination’ and ‘Autonomy’ establishing, de facto, an international legal status of “Self-Determination Spectrum Disorder”. A special status calls for an active and special legal solution. The notion of a broader integrative role for The Hijaz and the broader Islamic world. The potential integrative institutionalization of The Hijaz is investigated bringing to bare a unique approach to self-determination that would entail coupling autonomy with international territorial administration. The propositions under this Chapter are supported by looking at other sui generis entities such as the Holy See being sovereigns without being states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (suppl 2) ◽  
pp. 3787-3790
Author(s):  
Andrea Cioffi ◽  
Fernanda Cioffi ◽  
Raffaella Rinaldi

Abstract The debate on abortion has not yet found a clear solution. In fact, there is still discussion about what the limits of this procedure should be. This uncertainty is related to the lack of a clear definition of human life: when can the product of conception be defined as a human being with full medical-legal rights? Based on the answer to this question, the various world governments have drafted more or less restrictive laws regulating abortion. Since May 2019, some American states have considerably restricted the possibility of carrying out abortion on their territory. Alabama has practically banned abortion in any circumstance (including incest and rape). Obviously, these restrictive policies have had a significant impact on the social, bioethical and legal debate, concerning abortion, globally. This paper analyses the implications of these policies with a focus on women’s fundamental rights: the right to health and the right to self-determination.


2017 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
PATTI TAMARA LENARD

Are democratic states permitted to denationalize citizens, in particular those whom they believe pose dangers to the physical safety of others? In this article, I argue that they are not. The power to denationalize citizens—that is, to revoke citizenship—is one that many states have historically claimed for themselves, but which has largely been in disuse in the last several decades. Recent terrorist events have, however, prompted scholars and political actors to reconsider the role that denationalization can and perhaps should play in democratic states, in particular with respect to its role in protecting national security and in supporting the global fight against terror more generally. In this article, my objective is to show that denationalization laws have no place in democratic states. To understand why, I propose examining the foundations of the right of citizenship, which lie, I shall argue, in the very strong interests that individuals have in security of residence. I use this formulation of the right to respond to two broad clusters of arguments: (1) those that claim that it is justifiable to denationalize citizens who threaten to undermine the safety of citizens in a democratic state or the ability of a democratic state to function as a democratic state, and (2) those that claim that it is justifiable to denationalize dual citizens because they possess citizenship status in a second country that is also able to protect their rights.


Polar Record ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica Tennberg

Indigenous peoples have emerged as active participants in international relations. They claim the right to participation and to consultation in international political decision-making and to represent their interests based on principles of self-determination. Indigenous peoples' organizations in the Arctic have been in the forefront of the political mobilization of indigenous peoples in different international forums. The aim of the INDIPO project is to study the dynamics of interactions between states, international organizations, and indigenous peoples. This research project draws on theories and practices in international politics and international law in order to analyse how ‘indigenousness’ is used politically as a claim to self-determination and sovereignty in the international system and what the political consequences of this claim will be. The research objective consists in seeking answers to two interrelated questions. Firstly, how relations between states, international organizations and indigenous peoples have been and are currently constructed as legal and political practices? Secondly, how indigenous peoples, through different strategies, construct political agencies to further their political interest? The research project advances knowledge about the construction of the political agency of indigenous peoples and their participation in international policy-making. The researchers seek to establish a constructive dialogue with the representatives of major stakeholders and to organise two workshops with them in order to discuss the objectives and results of the project. The first one was held in Inari, Finland in January 2006.


Curationis ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
MN Jali

The central issue in the abortion debate is the moral status of the conceptus. There are two positions that argue this issue. At one extreme are the views of the pro-life group which argues that human life begins at the moment of conception whilst at the other are views of the pro-choice group that argues in favour of a woman’s right to self-determination. Two basic principles come into conflict in this debate, namely the Value of Life and that of Self-determination. In this paper the arguments forwarded by each group in justification of its position are presented. Also discussed is the moderate developmental viewpoint which accepts that the genetic basis of an individual is established at conception. Some development, however, has to occur before the conceptus can be called a person. The fact that an entity is a potential person is a prima facie reason for not destroying it. On the other hand, we need not conclude that a person has a right to life by virtue of that potentiality. Simultaneously we should recognise that the right a potential entity has, may be nullified by the woman’s right to self-determination.


2005 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella Gambino

Il 12 e il 13 giugno 2005 si sono svolti in Italia i referendum parzialmente abrogativi della Legge 40/2004 sulla procreazione medicalmente assistita. La facoltà di astensione, esercitata dalla maggioranza degli italiani, ha consentito di salvaguardare quei principi biopolitici fondamentali dei quali la legge si è fatta espressione, tutti riconducibili a imprescindibili valori costituzionali. Tuttavia, nonostante l’esito referendario, la legge 40 continua a sollecitare approfondimenti e dibattiti, soprattutto tra chi – insoddisfatto per i limiti che impone – vorrebbe modificarla in tempi brevi. Eppure, a ben vedere, questa legge tanto criticata e contestata è stata il frutto di precise scelte attuate dal Legislatore, ben consapevole dei principi in gioco innanzi al prevalere della tecnologia riproduttiva nella trasmissione della vita umana. In particolare, due sono le questioni di fondo che ancor oggi ritornano nel dibattito: la violazione della libertà di autodeterminazione procreativa della coppia; e la richiesta di una legittimazione di desideri procreativi, che si vorrebbe trasformare in “diritti”: il “diritto alla salute riproduttiva”, il “diritto al figlio sano”, il “diritto all’eugenetica prenatale”. In tale contesto, la riflessione filosofico-giuridica sul significato del progetto procreativo della coppia e sulle dinamiche relazionali che attiva può consentire di recuperare quella dimensione di autentica responsabilità e di amore donativo, che dovrebbe costituire il presupposto etico per compiere delle scelte procreative, nel pieno rispetto di tutti i soggetti coinvolti nelle tecniche che la medicina riproduttiva mette oggi a disposizione e, prima ancora, nel pieno rispetto della propria dignità umana. ---------- On June 12th and 13th, 2005 partially abrogative referendum about the law 40/2004 on medically assisted reproduction took place in Italy. The faculty of abstention, exercised by the main part of Italian people, allowed safeguarding those fundamental biopolitical principles expressed in the law, all of them coming from absolute constitutional values. However, although the referendary outcome, the law 40/2004 continues to request deepening and debates, specially among those who – unsatisfied of the limits which it imposes – would like to modify it in a short time. And yet, this law, so criticized and contested, was the fruit of precise choices made by the Legislator, well aware of the principles at stake in front of prevailing of reproductive technology in the transmission of human life. Particularly, the fundamental questions which are debated still today are two: violation of the liberty of couple’s procreative self-determination; and the request of a legitimating of procreative desires, which one’s would like to transform in “rights”: the “reproductive health right”, the “right of having a healthy child”, the “prenatal eugenic right”. In this contest, philosophical-juridical reflection on the meaning of the couple’s procreative project and on its relational dynamics can allow to recover that dimension of authentic responsibility and donative love, which should constitute the ethical presupposition to do procreative choices, in the full respect of every subject involved in the technique that reproductive medicine offers today and, more before, in the full respect of one’s own human dignity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Wendy Wendy ◽  
◽  
David Alinurdin ◽  

Transhumanisme adalah sebuah pergerakan budaya dan filsafat yang melihat manusia memiliki hak dan kebebasan morfologis untuk berevolusi mencapai kondisi pascahuman dengan memodifikasi dan meningkatkan natur serta kapasitas manusia secara radikal menggunakan teknologi terkini seperti rekayasa genetika, robotika, kecerdasan buatan dan nanoteknologi. Pascahuman yang didambakan transhumanisme adalah kondisi manusia yang tidak dapat mengalami kemerosotan, penyakit, dan bahkan kematian. Tujuan akhirnya adalah hidup lebih panjang atau bahkan abadi untuk menikmati kebahagiaan yang tidak terbatas. Dengan mencermati perkembangan agenda transhumanis, muncul keprihatinan dari para sarjana bidang interdisipliner sains, teknologi dan teologi bahwa umat manusia akan diubahkan oleh teknologi atau bahkan malah menjadi tersingkir dan punah. Artikel ini bertujuan mengkaji transhumanisme dari perspektif antropologi Kristen, yang meliputi tiga aspek, yaitu asal-usul dan natur manusia, realitas kehidupan manusia serta solusi bagi masalah manusia. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa janji transhumanisme mengenai evolusi manusia dengan kebebasan morfologis dan determinasi dirinya sendiri dapat mengupayakan perkembangan menuju kondisi pascahuman adalah hal yang tidak menjanjikan untuk tercapai karena natur manusia yang telah jatuh ke dalam dosa cenderung merusak atau menggantikan yang baik menjadi jahat. Agenda dan optimisme transhumanisme untuk menyingkirkan kemerosotan, penyakit dan kematian sepenuhnya dari kehidupan manusia dengan menggunakan teknologi terkini mustahil direalisasikan karena semua realitas tersebut adalah dampak dari kejatuhan manusia ke dalam dosa yang hanya bisa diatasi dengan cara ilahi melalui karya penebusan Kristus yang mengerjakan transformasi jiwa raga secara holistik. Transhumanism is a cultural and philosophical movement that sees humans as having the right and morphological freedom to evolve towards a posthuman state by radically modifying and enhancing human nature and capacity using the latest technologies such as genetic engineering, robotics, artificial intelligence, and nanotechnology. The posthuman that transhumanism craves is the human condition impervious to degeneration, disease, and even death. The end goal is to live longer or even immortal to enjoy unlimited happiness. By observing the development of the transhumanist agenda, there are concerns from scholars in the interdisciplinary fields of science, technology, and theology that humanity will be transformed by technology or even become marginalized and extinct. This article aims to examine transhumanism from Christian anthropology, which includes three aspects: the origin and nature of man, the reality of human life, and solutions to human problems. The results of the study show that the promise of transhumanism regarding human evolution with morphological freedom and self-determination to strive for progress towards a posthuman state is unpromising to achieve because human nature, which has fallen into sin, tends to destroy or exchange good for evil. The agenda and optimism of transhumanism to completely remove degeneration, disease, and death from human life by using the latest technology is impossible to realize because all these realities are the impact of the fall of man into sin, which can only be overcome by divine means through redemptive work of Christ which carries out the transformation of soul and body holistically.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
TIGRAN KOCHARYAN

?he separated monitoring of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict and the intended policy for peaceful regulation are very important in the system of providing national security of the Republic of Armenia in more acceptable format of the Minsk Group. During the regional visits of the Minsk group co–chairs are being realized regular controlling and monitoring the contact line of the conflicting forces. Tryaing to satisfy the conflicting parties, the Minsk Group offers a compromise according to the international norms, in which are some obvious discrepancies (The right of nations to self–determination and The territorial integrity). Recently, the regulation process of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict remains in the active level, which, however, does not lead to substantial progress in the peace process. The Armenian part keeps giving priority of the intermediary activity to the OSCE Minsk group. Because of the negative position of the Azerbaijan part all intermediary initiatives are not leading to serious practical results. The freedom has the main place in the European value system, which can be the key for the regulation of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict.


Crisis ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrée Fortin ◽  
Sylvie Lapierre ◽  
Jacques Baillargeon ◽  
Réal Labelle ◽  
Micheline Dubé ◽  
...  

The right to self-determination is central to the current debate on rational suicide in old age. The goal of this exploratory study was to assess the presence of self-determination in suicidal institutionalized elderly persons. Eleven elderly persons with serious suicidal ideations were matched according to age, sex, and civil status with 11 nonsuicidal persons. The results indicated that suicidal persons did not differ from nonsuicidal persons in level of self-determination. There was, however, a significant difference between groups on the social subscale. Suicidal elderly persons did not seem to take others into account when making a decision or taking action. The results are discussed from a suicide-prevention perspective.


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