scholarly journals The Manual of Official Procedure of the Government of Canada: An Exposé

2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 2011
Author(s):  
James Bowden ◽  
Nicholas MacDonald

In light of the much discussed issue to "codify" or make an official interpretation of constitutional conventions in Canada, this article introduces theManual of Official Procedure of the Government of Canada to further stimulate discussion on the topics presented at the Public Policy Forum and at the David Asper Centre for Constitutional Rights in 2011. It also posits that constitutional conventions derive from principles rather than existing in isolation. This article is part of a larger, forthcoming work in the Journal of Parliamentary and Political Law.  

2015 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karine Levasseur ◽  
Andrea Rounce

This article examines the Strategic and Operating Review (SOR) process used by the Government of Canada through a strategic management perspective. Initiated by the Harper government in the 2011 Budget as a one-year process, SOR is expected to secure savings of CDN$4 billion by 2014–15 from the CDN$80 billion operating budget of departments. Our article assesses to what degree the strategic operational cuts support the public policy priorities of the Harper government. Points for practitioners Using Canada as a case study to understand how budgetary cuts are handled, this article provides an opportunity to consider how policy makers align operational cuts with public policy priorities. While the budget cuts in this case study are operational in nature, they require direction from central government to support – not undermine – public policy priorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-161
Author(s):  
James B. Smith

Abstract Although many U.S. faith-based organizations have become partners with the government, the African American Pentecostal Church (aapc), which holds spirituality as a means of serving humanity as its theological framework, has remained a silent partner in public policy engagement. With the framework of spiritual intelligence, this qualitative case study addresses the perceptions of African American Pentecostal leaders regarding how the church’s theology may have an impact on the public policy engagement of its parishioners. Twelve African American Pentecostal Bishops were interviewed, and data were coded and analyzed to identify themes. Results revealed that participants use their spirituality to connect with public policy issues that relate to their personal experiences. Findings also indicated that the aapc is not an organized denomination, but rather a conglomeration of factions. Lack of an organized epicenter and lack of training and development of its leaders prevent this church from engaging in the public sphere. Although members embrace their responsibility to care for the needs of others, the church lacks a collective response to community issues. Findings may be used to prepare the next generation of aapc leaders to unify the church to offer spiritual solutions to public policy issues.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Forcese

The expression "national security" or its close similes lacks a precise meaning, even in the public policy literature. Nevertheless, the concept appears in over 30 federal statutes. In most instances, the term is undefined, an important oversight in light of the significant powers these statutes accord the government. Under these circumstances, how courts review government invocations of "national security" is of real importance. With some exceptions, courts applying s. 7 of the Charter and standard administrative law doctrines have accorded substantial deference to government national security determinations. When largely deferential substantive review of the ambiguous concept of national security is coupled with the ex parti and in camera context in which these cases are often heard, the net effect is to leave government with a freer hand in national security matters than in other domains of administrative decision making. Several possible responses to this problem are proposed.


Author(s):  
Christopher Wlezien

The representation of public opinion in public policy is of obvious importance in representative democracies. While public opinion is important in all political systems, it is especially true where voters elect politicians; after all, opinion representation is a primary justification for representative democracy. Not surprisingly, a lot of research addresses the connection between the public and the government. Much of the work considers “descriptive representation”—whether the partisan and demographic characteristics of elected politicians match the characteristics of the electorate itself. This descriptive representation is important but may not produce actual “substantive representation” of preferences in policy. Other work examines the positions of policymakers. Some of this research assesses the roll call voting behavior of politicians and institutions. The expressed positions and voting behavior of political actors do relate to policy but are not the same things. Fortunately, a good amount of research analyzes policy. With but a handful of exceptions noted below, this research focuses on expressed preferences of the public, not their “interests.” That is, virtually all scholars let people be the judges of their own interests, and they assess the representation of expressed opinion no matter how contrary to self-interest it may seem.


Author(s):  
Michael Eamon

In October 2011, the Government of Canada began a two-year, nation-wide celebration of the bicentenary of the War of 1812. The widely-criticized initiative returned the public eye to a traditional ‘interpretive tableau’ of war heroes, namely Isaac Brock, Tecumseh, Charles de Salaberry and Laura Secord. While the scope and expense of the federal government’s efforts have been unprecedented, the political battle to maintain certain memories of the War is one that is not new. A struggle against the forgetfulness of Canadians, and particularly young Canadians, has animated commemorations of the War for almost two centuries. Looking at a selection of past commemorative efforts this essay explores how the inertia of a traditional tableau of heroes has tended to overshadow other narratives and newer interpretations. Yet all is not lost. Using the example of the author’s exhibition, Faces of 1812, it is suggested that publicly-constructed histories can be employed as a useful departure point for the public historian and provide a foundation from which the public can obtain a broader, more critical perspective on both the commemorated events and history writ large.


Author(s):  
Timothy W. Kneeland

This chapter describes how the public also vented anger and frustration at agents of government whose job it was to protect people before a natural disaster occurred. The public was incensed at having received no warnings from the National Weather Service (NWS) and demanded to know why their local civil defense organizations had failed in the midst of the crisis. The public expected to hold someone responsible for the death and the destruction of property. Assigning blame is an integral component of American democracy; in order for change to occur, the electorate must assign responsibility when the government fails so they can pressure officials into improving public policy. In response to the public outrage, elected officials conducted a series of hearings into what went wrong before and during the Hurricane Agnes disaster. State senator Bill Smith, who was unable to get Governor Nelson Rockefeller to agree to a special legislative session, teamed up with Senate majority leader Warren Anderson to hold special hearings into government failures during the disaster. These investigations would show just how tattered the disaster safety net had become in the days before Hurricane Agnes.


1996 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Wagner

The federal government levies taxes on property transfers at death (the estate tax), during life (the gift tax), and to grandchildren or more remote descendants (the generation-skipping tax). Referred to collectively as “transfer taxes,” these taxes attract little interest in the public policy forum because they produce little revenue—only 1% of annual federal tax revenues, and because most Americans have no first-hand experience with transfer taxes. However, transfer taxes have significantly adverse economic effects that are grossly disproportionate to the tax revenues they generate. Transfer taxes penalize success and the creation of wealth. The adverse effects of transfer taxes on saving and capital formation, therefore, are costs imposed on society as a whole.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Antonio Solís Lima ◽  
María Catalina Ovando Chico ◽  
Emmanuel Olivera Pérez ◽  
Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Lozada

In order to trigger economic and technological development in Mexico, the government of this country is trying different ways to boost innovation. One of them is through the public policy "Program of Stimuli for Innovation (PSI)". This consists of granting subsidies to companies for the development and commercialization of technological innovations that trigger new markets. However, although annual reports of the PSI management have been generated, studies conducted to evaluate this program in terms of industrial property appropriation are still unknown. For the foregoing, the object of this studywas to evaluate the PSI to know its national impact in terms of appropriation of industrial property in the period 2009-2016. The evaluation consisted of making a quantitative, statistical, descriptive and inferential analysis of the PSI, using databases generated by Mexican public institutions. The results of this research showed that although the PSI grants motivated the link between research centers and companies for the development of innovative technologies, the appropriation of industrial property managed by Mexicans was modest. Likewise, it was found that the grants were not granted in an equitable manner to the different types of companies that participated in the program. Concluding that it is necessary to evaluate and supervise this public policy with objective indicators that allow it to be more effective. It is expected that this study will contribute to making a proposal for improvement to this public policy that contributes to the economic and technological growth of this country.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Williams

"One of the most fractious Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC, or the Commission) policy hearings on record has recently come to a close. This was no run-of-the-mill, watch-the-paint-dry policy hearing. Tempers and passions flared as two industry titans, over-the-air (OTA) broadcasters, such as CTV and Canwest Global, and broadcast distribution undertakings (BDUs) such as Shaw Communications, Bell Canada and Rogers Inc. fought the battle of their lives over an issue called fee-for-carriage (FFC). The media covered the issues day in and day out. Canadians bombarded the CRTC with dose to 200,000 comments and the Government of Canada forced the CRTC to hold an additional hearing just to address the impact the decision could have on the public. With extensive media coverage and uncharacteristically active public participation, could this public policy process be deemed 'democracy in action'? This paper will argue that this is not the case. Through a discourse analysis of the debate within two distinctly differentiated public spheres -- 1) the battling media campaigns and 2) the CRTC public hearings in November and December of 2009 -- this paper will show that the public's ability to define its own interest, using its own voice, is tarnished to such a severe degree that this policy process fails"--From Introduction (page 3).


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Julizar Idris ◽  
Abdul Hakim ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono

Abstract Public policy formulation as a political process is a dynamic formulation of policies involving many actors, ranging from the executive, legislative, academic, to non-governmental organizations. The purpose of this study was to find out the political process of drafting the Oil and Gas Law and determine the model for the formulation of the Oil and Gas Law in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives. This research method uses a qualitative approach, through observation, in-interview techniques and documentation of secondary data in the process of collecting data. Data analysis using the Interactive Model method by Miles & Huberman's. The results of the study indicate that the political process of drafting the Constitution of Oil and Gas takes place in the following stages: planning, drafting and discussion. Politically, the planning of the Constitution of Oil and Gas comes from several sources: (1) the bill from the President; (2) the bill from the House of Representatives; and (3) the bill from the Regional Representative Council. The long political process in the public policy formulation in the House of Representatives starts from the process of inventorying input from factions, commissions, and the public to be determined as a Legislative Body decision, then the decision is to be consulted with the Government; afterwards, the results of the consultation are reported to the Plenary Session to make the decision.


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