scholarly journals The Status of the Liturgy in the Christian East and Liturgical Differentiations

2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Peter Caban

These types of liturgies and liturgical rites show us the richness that is present in the Christian East and West. They are the liturgical traditions of the Church, which preserves the continuity of the Christian liturgical tradition from the perspective of historical context in the environment where Christians live. Despite the glory of Constantinople, the Eastern Churches have preserved their own liturgies and rites. Although they are in smaller number, they are nonetheless still preserved in the liturgy despite circumstances hostile to Christianity and the influence of Islam. Local traditions in the West were gradually vanishing and the Roman liturgy had to confront life in Gallia. The celebration of the liturgy in the West according to the Roman model in the city of Rome and in areas under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Roman was preserved in the Latin Church until the beginning of the eighth century. Then there came a very important breaking point when the focus of the cultural-political and Church life was moved from the Mediterranean area into the German and especially Frankish areas north of Alps. This led to the enormous spread of the influence of Roman liturgy, but, on the other hand, the Roman liturgy was merged with non-Roman liturgical traditions. This was the period of Christian Middle Ages.

1911 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 553-565
Author(s):  
George Frederick Andrews

Since the Middle Ages Spain has been continuously established within the boundaries of Morocco, and at the present time Spain is the only foreign power possessing a foothold on Moroccan soil. The three island presidios, Penon de Velez de Gomera, the Alhucemas, and the Zaffarines, lying off the coast, and the two cities, Melilla and Ceuta, clinging with desperation to the mainland, comprise the Spanish possessions.Ceuta is by far the most important of these possessions. The fortress is built on a headland extending into the sea toward the east. On the west only, can it be approached by land. As at Melilla, a strip of neutral territory separates the walls of the city from what may be called by courtesy, Makhzen territory, although actually Ceuta, like Melilla, is shut in on the land side by the independent tribes of the mountains. Ceuta has a population of about 14,000, its commerce is unimportant as yet, but there are possibilities of very considerable increase. From Tangier, thirty miles to the west, and from Tetuan, about twenty-five miles to the south, the roads are difficult and dangerous, and there is little communication. Ceuta is kept in touch with Spain by a boat service which makes the trip to Algeciras and return each day.


2012 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 12-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Anlezark

An episode unique to the late ninth-century Life of Gregory the Great by John the Deacon reports a famine that occurred in the year of Gregory’s death; a hostile party blamed the lavish generosity of the late pope for Rome’s suffering. The fury of the people was roused and they set out to burn Gregory’s books. However, the deacon Peter, Gregory’s familiarissimus, intervened to dissuade them, telling the people that Gregory’s works were directly inspired by God. As proof he asked God to take his life, and promptly dropped dead. This episode is not found in the earlier accounts of Gregory’s life: the brief account in the mid seventh-century Liber pontificalis, the early eighth-century Life by an anonymous monk of Whitby, and the mid eighth-century account by Paul the Deacon. Doubtful as John the Deacon’s account of the exchange between Peter and the mob may be, it does tell us something about the status of Gregory and his works in the mid 870s, when Pope John VIII commissioned the new hagiography. Gregory the Great became one of the most widely read authors of the Middle Ages, and even in his lifetime some of his works were eagerly sought after. With his popularity and influence Gregory not only added to the body of Christian literature, but also made a lasting contribution to the debate over what kinds of works it was appropriate for Christians to read. This essay will survey his works and discuss his ideas on reading and literature, and on the establishment of a Christian literary canon. The influence of Gregory’s works and ideas will be examined in relation to one particular medieval nation - Anglo-Saxon England. As the instigator of the Anglo-Saxon mission, Gregory enjoyed a great reputation as an author in Anglo-Saxon England, where his ideas on literature and society had a lasting impact.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Andrea Nicolotti

Resumen: En la Edad Media, había una gran variedad de sudarios venerados en distintas zonas del mundo cristiano. El sudario de Oviedo, tejido en torno al siglo VIII d.C, aparece registrado en las fuentes a partir del último cuarto del siglo XI y forma parte de las reliquias conservadas en la catedral de la ciudad. Su existencia puede considerarse uno de los efectos de los esfuerzos conjuntos que el clero y la política realizaron para proveer una legitimación histórica y propagandística a la supremacía de la sede de Oviedo. En los últimos cincuenta años, como consecuencia de la poderosa propaganda efectuada por algunos exponentes de una pseudo-ciencia conocida como “sindonología”, el Sudario de Oviedo goza de creciente fama, sobre todo mediática, y es presentado como si fuera una reliquia auténtica, es decir, como el verdadero sudario que envolvió la cabeza de Jesús de Nazaret.Abstract: In the Middle Ages, there was a great variety of shrouds venerated in different parts of the Christian world. The Sudarium of Oviedo, woven around the eighth century AD, is recorded in the sources as from the last quarter of the eleventh century and is one of the relics preserved in the cathedral of the city. Its existence can be considered one of the effects of the joint efforts that the clergy and the political power made to provide a historical and propagandistic legitimation to the supremacy of Oviedo’s bishopric. In the last fifty years, as a result of the powerful propaganda carried out by some exponents of a pseudo-science known as “syndonology”, the Sudarium of Oviedo enjoys a growing fame, especially in the media, and it is presented as if it were an authentic relic, that is, as the true shroud that wrapped the head of Jesus of Nazareth.


1985 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mildred Budny ◽  
Dominic Tweddle

This article offers an account of the components, the structure and the history of the so-calledcasulaandvelaminaof Sts Harlindis and Relindis preserved at the Church of St Catherine at Maaseik in Belgium as relics of the two sisters who founded the nearby abbey of Aldeneik (where the textiles were kept throughout the Middle Ages). The compositecasulaof Sts Harlindis and Relindis includes the earliest surviving group of Anglo-Saxon embroideries, dating to the late eighth century or the early ninth. Probably similarly Anglo-Saxon, a set of silk tablet-woven braids brocaded with gold associated with the embroideries offers a missing link in the surviving corpus of Anglo-Saxon braids. The ‘David silk’ with its Latin inscription and distinctly western European design dating from the eighth century or the early ninth offers a rare witness to the art of silk-weaving in the West at so early a date. Thevelamenof St Harlindis, more or less intact, represents a remarkable early medieval vestment, garment or cloth made up of two types of woven silk cloths, tablet-woven braids brocaded with gold, gilded copper bosses, pearls and beads. Thevelamenof St Relindis, in contrast, represents the stripped remains—reduced to the lining and the fringed ends—of another composite textile. Originally it was probably luxurious, so as to match the two other composite early medieval textile relics from Aldeneik. As a whole, the group contributes greatly to knowledge of early medieval textiles of various kinds.


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Ana Mišković

The sacristy is an ancillary but also a necessary liturgical space in every religious complex. Judging from late-antique and early-medieval written records, a chamber adjacent to the façade or the east end (frequently one of the pastophoria) of the main congregational church had the function of a sacristy. In the regions practising the Western rite, the sacristy was located next to the church façade. It housed liturgical vessels, ecclesiastical objects, liturgical vestments for the clergy and books. The sacristy was the place where priests were robed for the eucharistic celebration and from which they emerged in the solemn procession marking the beginning of the service. In the West, the sacristy was not the place where the gifts of the congregation were accepted; instead, they brought them to the church’s chancel screen. on the other hand, in the east, the additional function of the sacristy was that of the place where gifts were presented (prothesis). Therefore, the congregation had access to it so that they could deposit their offerings which the clergy then carried to the altar. In any case, in the West and east alike, there was no separate room set aside exclusively for the offerings of the congregation. In fact, it cannot be said that the prothesis and diaconicon – the chambers flanking the presbytery – had the function of a sacristy at this point because they appeared in Byzantine architecture only in the early middle ages. Constantinopolitan sources confirm that a liturgical reform took place between the first three decades of the eighth century, that is, the office of Patriarch Germanus i, and the mid-tenth century reign of emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus: the previously unified liturgical function of the sacristy split into two. Therefore, the application of the terms prothesis and diaconicon to the chambers (pastophoria) flanking the main apse in early Christian architecture should be discarded.  Focusing on the example of the chamber situated next to the façade of the early Christian Cathedral in the episcopal complex at Zadar, it can be noted that its architecture and function were that of a sacristy, especially if one compares it to liturgical documents from Rome (Ordines romani). This chamber and its location are interpreted on the basis of the historical records of local chroniclers who mention a custom of offerings – the so-called Varina – during the office of Bishop Felix, and all of this, taken together, suggests that in the earliest Christian times the Church of Zadar practised a romanstyle Westernrite.


2013 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 237-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Morton

In 135b.c., unable to endure the treatment of their master Damophilus, a group of slaves, urged on by the wonder-worker Eunus, captured the city of Enna in Eastern Sicily in a night-time raid. The subsequent war, according to our sources the largest of its kind in antiquity, raged for three years, destroying the armies of Roman praetors, and engaging three consecutive consuls in its eventual suppression. The success of the rebels in holding out for years against a progression of Roman armies indicates the importance of the event, and the capabilities of their leaders. One expects the man capable of leading such a revolt to have been exceptional, and in this respect the ancient accounts do not disappoint: in a narrative replete with larger-than-life characters, ranging from the depraved slave-owner Damophilus (Diod. Sic. 34/5.2.10, 35–8) to the restrained Roman consul Calpurnius Piso (Val. Max. 4.3.10), one figure stands out in Diodorus Siculus' depiction: the leader of the slaves. This man, Eunus, whom Diodorus describes as the leader of the event he calls the (first) Sicilian Slave War, has been variously interpreted in modern scholarship. Analyses have fallen into two (not mutually exclusive) categories. On the one hand, the hostile and outlandish account of Diodorus is accepted uncritically, with the details of Eunus' character understood as faithful, historical representations. On the other hand, the negative facets of Eunus' character are reinterpreted in a positive historical context, thereby outlining his suitability and capability to lead such a large and successful insurgency against Rome. Indeed, Urbainczyk recently argued that despite the difficulties in saying anything definite about the leaders of the so-called Sicilian Slave Wars ‘[Diodorus] attributed to [Eunus] all the powers, abilities, wisdom, and cunning that challenges to the status quo had to have in order to succeed’.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (125) ◽  
pp. 22-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy R. Childs

Most studies of Anglo-Irish relations in the middle ages understandably concentrate on the activity of the English in Ireland, and unintentionally but inevitably this can leave the impression that the movement of people was all one way. But this was not so, and one group who travelled in the opposite direction were some of the merchants and seamen involved in the Anglo-Irish trade of the period. Irish merchants and seamen travelled widely and could be found in Iceland, Lisbon, Bordeaux, Brittany and Flanders, but probably their most regular trade remained with their closest neighbour and political overlord: England. They visited most western and southern English ports, but inevitably were found most frequently in the west, especially at Chester and Bristol. The majority of them stayed for a few days or weeks, as long as their business demanded. Others settled permanently in England, or, perhaps more accurately, re-settled in England, for those who came to England both as settlers and visitors were mainly the Anglo-Irish of the English towns in Ireland and not the Gaelic Irish. This makes it difficult to estimate accurately the numbers of both visitors and settlers, because the status of the Anglo-Irish was legally that of denizen, and record-keepers normally had no reason to identify them separately. They may, therefore, be hard to distinguish from native Englishmen of similar name outside the short periods when governments (central or urban) temporarily sought to restrict their activities. However, the general context within which they worked is quite clear, and this article considers three main aspects of that context: first, the pattern of the trade which attracted Irish merchants to England; second, the role of the Irish merchants and seamen in the trade; and third, examples of individual careers of merchants and seamen who settled in England.


2010 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Anthony Stewart

The reroofing of a group of Early Christian basilicas on the Karpas peninsula is the subject of The First Vaulted Churches in Cyprus. Charles Anthony Stewart argues that the barrel vaults, which replaced the wooden roofs of these churches, can be dated to the late seventh or early eighth century. Mustering all the evidence now available and placing these monuments in their historical context, he confirms the consensus about dating that was reached, but not fully argued, by investigating archaeologists in the 1970s, Andreas Dikigoropoulos, Athanasios Papageorghiou, and A. H. S. Megaw. When these churches were rebuilt in the seventh and eighth centuries, Cyprus was a neutral state divided between the Arab Caliphate and the Byzantine Empire. In this environment, builders experimented with methods to erect and support heavy vaulting while maintaining the traditional basilical form. Their designs foreshadowed the later development of Romanesque architecture in the West.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
František Válek

During the Late Bronze Age, Syria was mostly dominated by the larger powers of the ancient Near East—Mitanni (the Hurrians), the Hittite Empire, and Egypt. The ancient city of Ugarit yielded numerous texts and artifacts that attest to the presence of foreigners and their influences on local religious traditions. Textually, the best-preserved influences are those of Hurrian origin, although these were probably promoted thanks to the Hittites, who incorporated many Hurrian deities and cults. Hurrian traditions thus influenced both Ugaritic cults and divine pantheons. Egyptian influences, in contrast, are observable mostly in art and material evidence. Art of Egyptian origin was considered prestigious and because of that was prominently seen in trade and international exchange gifts, but it also entered the religious sphere in the form of cultic statues and ex-voto gifts for deities. Egyptian art was also often imitated by local artists. The same can be said of art from the Mediterranean area. Some evidence suggests that foreigners actively related to local traditions as well. Ritual tablets from Ugarit (namely KTU3 1.40 and its variants) illustrate that there were always frictions in a multicultural/national society. These tablets also indicate that such frictions could have been dealt with through ritual action, and thus emphasize the role religion played. The city of Ugarit is used in this paper to illuminate some processes that can be observed in the whole of ancient Syria. Nevertheless, every site has its own outcome of interactions with other cultures.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (41) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Aladin Husić ◽  
Behija Zlatar ◽  
Enes Pelidija

This paper highlights the significance of dates in the history of all settlements, and in particular an urban settlement, and the significance of introducing them into their chronological calendar. This is particulary significant for urban settlements and the dates of their gaining the status of a city, which is a very important historical and civilizational act by which the proper legal status of a settlement and its inhabitants would be acknowledged and verified. By this act, a settlement was singled out from a multitude of other populated places in its surroundings for its urban, social and cultural characteristics with regard to its status. This matter raises no questions by any means about the continuity of life in the wider area of an emerging or newly- declared urban settlement. However, the differences in status and socioeconomic aspects are clearly shown. A complex legal procedure for gaining, acknowledging and verifying the status of a city in the case of Sarajevo had to be observed. The motives for choosing the location for building a new complex were highlighted, the complex with suitable urban facilities and under the urban criteria that needed to be met in order to be able in any way to apply for the status of a city. A source on this matter, produced immediately after the foundation of the city and its legal verification, contains an answer to such questions. The careful selection of the location for the emerging city was made, namely the land for those facilities was chosen by the founder „ ... because he found it suitable for building a šeher (city) on it... “ This syntagm also answers the question of whether it is an entirely new or some earlier founded settlement. The Brodac Settlement, with a newly- formed city founded within its boundaries, appears in the sources in parallel with the name of the city of Sarajevo until the middle of the 16th century, which clearly confirms that it was a completely new settlement that had been founded within the boundaries of the Brodac village, and surely it had not been founded on a previously built rural or town settlement. Moreover, other settlements found in the vicinity of the city kept their names from the Middle Ages and throughout centuries to the present day they have been recognisable and distinguishable for those names as the parts of the Sarajevo city zone.


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