scholarly journals Political crisis of the European Union: technocratic thinking and possibilities of a European ethos

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
Silvério Rocha-Cunha ◽  
Marco António Martins

It is important to analyze the dimension of the European crisis that today feels inserted within the framework of the dimension of technocracy and the possibility of a European ethos, taking into account the emerging dilemmas of democracy around the search for European unity and technoscientific development  

Author(s):  
E. Tsedilina

In 2021 in Ukraine as a result of several objective reasons prerequisites were formed for a serious internal political crisis. Problems related to the shortage of energy resources may become a catalyst for negative processes in the economy and politics which will most likely lead to early parliamentary elections. In the south-east of the country, the Ukrainian leadership is deliberately escalating the conflict, which may lead to the resumption of active hostilities in the region. On the outer contour, Kiev’s Western partners continued a military development of Ukrainian territory, although they are still in no hurry to grant Ukraine the status of a full member of NATO. There have also been no changes in the country's relations with the European Union. Fearing the undesirable consequences of the launch of the Nord Stream 2, Kiev continued to actively fight for the preservation of gas transit through its GTS.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Harms

This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak This article investigates the evolution of Hungary’s memory of 1956, from the counterrevolution to the dissident struggle for rehabilitation in the eighties, its relation to the change of regimes in 1989, and its subsequent appropriation for nationalist purposes in defiance of a European memory regime. Mnemonic warriors like Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and historian Mária Schmidt have championed 1956 as a struggle for freedom and independence and symbols of Hungarian martyrdom and bravery. Only recently a new-found Central European unity in adversity has been observed: the “counterrevolution” against the European Union. Perusing interviews, samizdat articles, public appeals and speeches, and other documentary evidence, including historical analyses, this article identifies mnemonic actors and strategies to assess the intricate relationship between 1956 and 1989. The analysis of museum exhibitions, statues, monuments, and national symbols helps reveal the varying significance ascribed to 1956 before and after 1989. The study relies on the conceptual groundwork of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik. It contributes to arguments put forth by historians James Mark, Anna Seleny, Nora Borodziej, and Árpád von Klimó.


2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 147-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Katharina Stahl

In recent years, both the European Union (EU) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) have considerably stepped up their presence in Africa, including in the field of peace and security. This article discusses how the EU's and China's understanding of governance and sovereignty affects their respective security strategies in Africa. It argues that although European and Chinese rhetoric significantly differs in terms of the doctrines of sovereignty and governance, the conventional wisdom of two competing security models is inaccurate. As a matter of fact, Brussels and Beijing pursue converging security interests in Africa, a fact that can open the door for coordinated Sino-European crisis management efforts.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 452-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile Noël

BEFORE WE CAN BEGIN TO EXAMINE THE PROSPECTS FOR Europe's future, we must acknowledge that, for three years now, the European Community (or rather, the European Union) has been in a state of latent, but nonetheless profound, crisis. The problems surrounding the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty revealed this crisis but its roots go much deeper. We have all experienced its manifestations: 1) an economic and social crisis, in the form of the currency upheavals of 1992–93 and the rise in unemployment; 2) a political crisis, following the failures of the European Union in the former Yugoslavia and its complete absence from the scene in Rwanda; 3) an institutional crisis, given the uncertainties posed by the prospect of an enlarged (‘wider’) Europe for the present effective working of the Community, and even for its future in the absence of a clear political will.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
M.I. Yanin ◽  
◽  
D.S. Bunevich ◽  
◽  

at present, relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union are in a state of political crisis. The existing disagreements negatively affect the relations of two international players on the European continent. The article discusses the areas of interaction between the Russian Federation and the EU in the field of security, which, contrary to modern political difficulties, reflect the mutual interest of the parties. The author concludes that the joint approaches of Russia and the European Union to resolving issues related to security are a stabilizing factor in the formation of the EU–Russia dialogue in modern political realities.


Author(s):  
Rasa VEGIENĖ ◽  
Edita LEONAVIČIENĖ

Purpose – examine the European Union (EU) integrated political crisis response system, within the scope of the EU common security and defence policy and the present value of negotiations as a tool. Research methodology – a systematic analysis of the scientific literature and descriptive methods were applied to analyse actual and recent theoretical scientific work on integrating the European Union security and defence policy. We were discussing the concept of security from the theoretical perspective of constructivism, presenting the essential features. The empirical part of the work proves how discourse theory may help develop both negotiations and constructivism methodology. Findings – Negotiation theory play an important role in crisis management, developed proposals for the theory and methodology of negotiations. Research limitations – research does not cover negotiations in the context of military actions; the research examines the only civil empirical case of COVID-19 crises. Practical implications – presented conclusions show how the development of negotiations theory may substantially increase responsiveness to any EU crisis. Originality/Value – this study as interdisciplinary combined mixed methodologies: constructivism methodology of threat identification was compared with discourse theory (Austin’s) speech act.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
Violeta Motulaitė

The initiative of the Conference on the Future of Europe (CFE) stems out of the necessity to re-evaluate the European Union project after the Brexit, the wave of populism and nationalism and the changing geopolitical environment in the world, as well as to reflect upon the European unity ten years after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. As mentioned in this Franco – German initiative, it was meant to address all issues at stake and guide the future of Europe with a view to turning the EU more united and sovereign. It should have focused on policies and it should have identified the main reforms to be implemented as a matter of priority in each block of policies, setting out the types of changes to be made. The current public health crisis has redefined the problems and priorities of the EU. Some issues have become less topical, some have remained relevant and some have emerged as high priorities only now.


Author(s):  
ALEXANDER I. CHERKASOV

The system of multi-level governance is being established in the countries — members of the European Union, within the framework of which there is considerable redistribution of authority between the main levels of power. These levels — supranational, national and subnational — are becoming increasingly interdependent, and there is the lack of unambiguous domination of a single particular level of power or an institute.The decision-making mechanism within the multi-level governance system is sufficiently fragmented. It is consensus — based and involves participation of not only formal state institutions but also of different non-governmental structures connected with the civil society. Finally, we have a new system of mutual relations between the state and the society with borders becoming more transparent.There are two major dimensions of the multi-level governance being described in the scientific literature — the "vertical", based on the interaction of three power levels mentioned above, and the "horizontal", involving the dynamic interaction of state and non-governmental structures, with the activities of the latter being often of a network origin. Mutual relations of the power levels in the European Union are complex and dialectical. The subnational level begins to play an increasingly important role, and this role is no longer necessarily mediated by governments of the corresponding countries, i.e. by the national level. Subnational authorities are active on the European arena through their representative offices and channels of communication available to them. Meanwhile many European states failed so far to create more or less strong regions able to perform significant powers and to serve as real limiters to the powers of their national governments.With consideration of asymmetry typical for the territorial organization of public power in the European Union and the growing economic and political crisis the perspectives of the multi-level governance seem to be rather vague. The ideologists of the corresponding concept managed only to give a new interpretation of the decision-making process in the European Union, but they failed to describe clearly enough the mechanisms of further development of the European integration.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682094317
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The article examined the influence of the European crisis politics on French labour market regulation. The European crisis management has resulted in institutionalised interventionism, that restraint the European Union member states’ ability to regulate her national labour markets. France was less affected by the crisis but it was also in the focus of the European interventionism. On the basis of the labour market reforms ‘Loi Macron’ and ‘Loi El Khomri’, the article investigates what role the European institutions play and how big was the influence of the European Union in the national negotiation process.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine B. Aaslestad

Given the current challenges to European unity, in particular Russian aggression in Ukraine and dissent in the European Union over economic policy toward Greece, Europeans should remember that, two hundred years ago, they celebrated together a long-awaited peace, as their statesmen collaborated on a lasting settlement to solve territorial questions and ensure international stability. Revisiting the Congress of Vienna, however, is not an exercise in nostalgia. New works on the Congress underscore the critical international stakes in 1814 and 1815, following two decades of war and revolution, and reveal the complexity of the negotiations, political goals, and the unsettled nature of postwar Europe. The Congress was so successful in solving the existential problems of Europe that Europeans would not fight a comparable war against each other for another century—until the Great War in 1914. The challenges that Europe faced in the twentieth century suggest, in fact, that the type of collaborative diplomacy developed at the Vienna Congress remains essential to limit conflict.


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