Public Choice and the Origins of the Radical Right: A Review of Nancy Maclean's Democracy in Chains The Deep History of the Radical Right's Stealth Plan for America

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Thompson
2021 ◽  
pp. 026858092110053
Author(s):  
Naoto Higuchi

Between the decline of mass protests in the 1970s and the Great East Japan Earthquake and Fukushima nuclear meltdown in the 2010s, which resulted in the resurgence of mass demonstrations, social movements were widely regarded as uncommon in Japan. In this essay, the author reviews Japan’s social movement studies in the last decade, focusing on the influence of the lack of mass protest since the 1970s on scholarly interests. The essay examines the following four topics: (1) slow responses to the resurgence of mass demonstrations in post-3.11 Japan, (2) quick responses to the rise of the radical right movement, (3) the emergence of cynical approaches to studying social movements, and (4) the redemption of the history of Japan’s postwar social movements. Despite some twists and turns, we can see how social protests are a perpetual element of Japanese society that sociologists study as a common phenomenon.


Author(s):  
Nonna Mayer

After providing a quick summary of the long history of the French radical right, from the reaction to the revolution of 1789 to the creation of the Front National in 1972, this chapter focuses on the changes brought about by Marine Le Pen since she took over her father’s party in 2011. Her “de-demonization” strategy has indeed improved the image of the movement and attracted new voters. But the nativist anti-immigrant message is the same as Jean-Marie Le Pen’s. And the Front National still suffers from political isolation; while it has sometimes won the first round of elections, it has yet to achieve a majority in the second round. After its semi-defeat in the 2017 elections, the very opportunity of the de-demonization strategy is being questioned inside the party.


2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-112

Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, The World Hitler Never Made (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005)Reviewed by Sheri BermanTerri Givens, Voting Radical Right in Western Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005)Reviewed by David ArtSteinar Stjernø, Solidarity in Europe: The History of an Idea (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004)Reviewed by Aaron P. BoeseneckerDavid Monod, Settling Scores: German Music, Denazification, and the Americans, 1945-1953 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).Reviewed by Ivan RaykoffPatricia Mazón and Reinhild Steingröver, eds., Not So Plain as Black and White: Afro-German Culture and History, 1890-2000 (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2005)Reviewed by Karen M. Eng


Author(s):  
Paul Dragos Aligica ◽  
Peter J. Boettke ◽  
Vlad Tarko

Chapter 4 documents the conceptual territory at the interface of public administration and public choice and puts the Ostromian contribution in an interpretive context that anchors it in the intellectual history of public administration. Identifying areas of convergence and affinities between the two intellectual domains, it charts the ground opened by the Ostroms’ work, an ambitious attempt to blend the two traditions and to create a conceptual framework for a distinctive type of public administration: democratic public administration. The seeing-like-a-state perspective in public administration is openly challenged by the seeing-like-a-citizen alternative, in a field that was anyway trying to unshackle itself from the inherent statism of its Wilsonian progressive legacy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 19-54
Author(s):  
Duncan McDonnell ◽  
Annika Werner

This chapter first discusses in depth the book’s core concept of “radical right populist”, before examining the history of co-operation (and mostly non-cooperation) between radical right populists in the European Parliament. It sets out the main theories, in particular policy congruence, which have been used to explain why parties form groups in the European Parliament. It then looks at how these theories might apply to radical right populist parties. Finally, the chapter presents the data and methods used in the study. These include Chapel Hill Expert Survey data, EP group finance and voting behaviour data, as well as interviews conducted with representatives and officials from a wide range of radical right populist parties and their allies.


Μνήμων ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
ΝΙΚΟΣ ΠΟΤΑΜΙΑΝΟΣ

<p>Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"</p><p>The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof.</p>


Author(s):  
Christopher Parker

This chapter examines the attitudes, beliefs, and behavior of the reactionary right in the United States. It seeks to provide a better understanding of what motivates the reactionary right, and how such motivations inform the policy preferences and behavior of its constituents. However, the paucity of data restricts the analysis of the reactionary right to a fifty-year span, from the 1960s through the Tea Party. It begins with an overview of reactionary thought, including a brief history of reactionary movements through the mid-twentieth century. It then conducts an assessment of the immediate predecessor of the Tea Party: the John Birch Society. This is followed by an analysis of the contemporary reactionary movement in the United States: the Tea Party, and the movement responsible for the election of Donald Trump. The conclusion also briefly touches upon the continuities (and discontinuities) between the Tea Party and its European counterparts.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timm Beichelt

The text combines three lines of discussion. First, on the empirical level two Russian political parties e the CPRF and the LDPR e are characterized with regard to their specific profiles of right-wing radicalism. Second, these profiles are attributed to specific variations of the interpretation of the Russian past. Third, the empirical findings are traced for insights into the Leninist legacy concept. The main hypothesis on the empirical level is that Russian ultranationalist actors refer to different currents of a common national imagination in order to combine nationalist ideological elements with other programmatic features. On the conceptual level, the legacy concept is able to render systematic insights not into the history of a given state but into varying interpretations of what can be seen as ‘usable pasts’ from the perspective of various intellectual entrepreneurs.


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