Malaysia Airlines Flight MH17: The Day Russia Became a State Sponsor of Terrorism

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sascha-Dominik Oliver Vladimir Bachmann
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Fuller

This chapter explores how the CIA's Counterterrorist Center (CTC) was established to function as a war room against terrorists, under the leadership of its first director, Duane Clarridge. Though the consequences of the Iran-Contra affair initially tempered the CTC's aggression, the foundations of the agency's post-9/11 role in the War on Terror were laid during this time, and its aggressive pursuit of al-Qaeda today owes much to the approach Clarridge sought to instill in his new department. The origins of the agency's involvement with drones as tools of counterterrorism are also traced back to this period—as early as 1986. Through its classified Eagle program, the CIA first explored the concept of using unmanned aircraft for both intelligence gathering and to conduct lethal precision strikes against targets such as the Libyan dictator and state sponsor of terror, Mu'ammar Gaddafi.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (9) ◽  
pp. 1603-1628 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Ball

The burgeoning literature on ‘globalisation’ tends to identify it as an economic and cultural process, paying little attention to the associated restructuring of the state. Not only does the state sponsor globalisation, but also it ‘globalises' itself in the process. Perhaps the most significant dimension of this new development is where labour markets are integrated with global capital circuits under state sanction. The systematic and state-promoted export of temporary migrant workers has transformed the Philippine state, economy, and society. In this paper I examine the globalisation of labour from the Philippines in terms of its magnitude, its historical development, and its impact on restructuring state functions. I argue that the shift of attention on the part of the state to maintaining the economic functions of international labour circuits tends to undermine its national regulatory function thereby compromising the broad legitimacy of the state. These propositions are examined through a case study of the structuring of the Filipino state in pursuing its well-known labour-export policy.


Significance Though this is a major victory for protesters demanding Bashir’s resignation, the precise form of any proposed transition will be closely watched. Impacts The people will want Bashir to face justice, but many within the former ruling elite may be wary of the potential for blowback. Transition will create deep uncertainties over Sudan’s foreign policy direction; regional powers may thus look to influence its direction. A serious change in government could accelerate Sudan’s delisting as a state sponsor of terrorism and set it on a path towards debt relief.


1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 759-760

Prior to the amendment, the non–commercial tort exception to sovereign immunity, 28 U.S.C. §1605(a)(5), barred tort claims against foreign states where the tort and the resulting injury did not occur in the United States. New §1605(a)(7) denies immunity to states in suits involving torture, extrajudicial killing, hostage taking, and aircraft sabotage, committed outside the U.S. by an official, employee or agent of the offending state while acting within the scope of his employment or agency. The respondent state must have been designated by the Executive as a state sponsor of terrorism. To fall within this new jurisdictional grant, the claim must meet several preconditions, each of which has dispositive jurisdictional significance.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keir A. Lieber ◽  
Daryl G. Press

Many experts consider nuclear terrorism the single greatest threat to U.S. security. The fear that a state might transfer nuclear materials to terrorists was a core justification for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and, more recently, for a strike against Iran's nuclear program. The logical basis for this concern is sound: if a state could orchestrate an anonymous nuclear terror attack, it could destroy an enemy yet avoid retaliation. But how likely is it that the perpetrators of nuclear terrorism could remain anonymous? Data culled from a decade of terrorist incidents reveal that attribution is very likely after high-casualty terror attacks. Attribution rates are even higher for attacks on the U.S. homeland or the territory of a major U.S. ally—97 percent for incidents in which ten or more people were killed. Moreover, tracing a terrorist group that used a nuclear weapon to its state sponsor would not be difficult, because few countries sponsor terror; few terror groups have multiple sponsors; and only one country that sponsors terrorism, Pakistan, has nuclear weapons or enough material to manufacture them. If leaders understand these facts, they will be as reluctant to give weapons to terrorists as they are to use them directly; both actions would invite devastating retaliation.


2009 ◽  
pp. 99-115
Author(s):  
Alethia H. Cook ◽  
Jalil Roshandel
Keyword(s):  

2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (3) ◽  
pp. 553-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan B. Schwartz

On June 30,2006, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice rescinded die United States designation of Libya as a state sponsor of terrorism. Her action ended nearly twenty-seven years of Libya’s pariah status in American law and rhetoric.The road to the rehabilitation of Libya was a long one in more than a temporal sense. During the 1980s, the country was widely perceived as the world’s strongest supporter of terrorism.The United States in particular saw Libya under the leadership of Muammar el-Qaddafi as a “rogue state” posing a serious threat to U.S. national security interests.This fear was confirmed by Libya’s destruction of Pan Am Flight 103 in 1988. A bomb placed by Libyan agents on board the aircraft en route to New York detonated over Lockerbie, Scodand, resulting in the deaths of 270 civilians, including 189 Americans. It was perhaps the single worst act of terrorism against the United States until the carnage of September 11, 2001.


2019 ◽  
Vol 113 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-624

On February 1, 2019, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia granted a motion for default judgment and entered a $302,511,836.00 award against the Syrian Arab Republic (“Syria”). The court found the Syrian government liable for the death of Marie Colvin, who died in an artillery shelling on February 22, 2012, at a media center in the city of Homs. Colvin was a heralded war correspondent who had previously “cover[ed] conflict zones in Iraq, Chechnya, the Balkans, East Timor, Sri Lanka, Sierra Leone, and Libya.” Colvin's heirs brought suit, claiming that because Syria had been designated a “state sponsor of terrorism,” it could be held liable for an extrajudicial killing of a U.S. national under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA). Judge Amy Berman Jackson concluded that the plaintiffs met the evidentiary burden required to support their claim after finding personal and subject matter jurisdiction.


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