Dominant Party Rule and Legislative Leadership in Authoritarian Regimes

Author(s):  
Ora John John Reuter ◽  
Rostislav Turovsky
2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-592
Author(s):  
Sivhuoch Ou

The United Nations (UN) introduced multiparty elections to Cambodia in 1993 in the hope of bringing about democracy in that country. Ironically, the two-and-a-half decades of uninterrupted elections have led to an ever-more authoritarian government under Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Authoritarianism under the single-dominant party system began in 1997, but has intensified since 2017 with the ban on the leading opposition party. While concurring that repetitive elections have consolidated authoritarianism, this paper argues that elections are not merely tools that authoritarian leaders deploy to hold on to power. Elections are arguably mechanisms that have compelled the CPP to offer several extraordinary economic concessions since 2013; this is the first argument of the paper. The developments have created a win-win scenario for the rulers and the ruled—the authoritarian leaders prolong their rule, and the masses have more disposable income, among various benefits. The second argument is that such policy concessions are made only when the ruling party senses critical challenges from the opposition and voters. This paper contributes to the literature arguing that multiparty elections in electoral authoritarian regimes extract economic policy concessions.


Author(s):  
Po Jen Yap

This chapter examines authoritarian regimes in relation to the configuration of political power/parties that is central to how autocracy is practised and sustained within the respective constitutional system. First, it discusses dominant party democracies—semi-democratic regimes that have been ruled by the same dominant political party or coalition since the nation’s independence or transition to a new constitutional system. Next, the chapter explores independent military democracies. In such democracies, the military is an independent branch of government and is not under the firm control of the civilian government. Finally, there are the communist regimes, where elections are a sham, and all levers of state power—the executive, the legislature, the military, and the judiciary—are subjected to the singular control of the country’s Communist Party. These three regime types are not exhaustive of all the authoritarian configurations of power in the world, but they are the predominant ones in Asia, from which this chapter’s case studies are drawn.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 869-889 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven R. Levitsky ◽  
Lucan A. Way

We explore the sources of durability of party-based authoritarian regimes in the face of crisis. Recent scholarship on authoritarianism suggests that ruling parties enhance elite cohesion—and consequently, regime durability—by providing institutionalized access the spoils of power. We argue, by contrast, that while elite access to power and spoils may ensure elite cooperation during normal times, it often fails to do so during crises. Instead, the identities, norms, and organizational structures forged during periods of sustained, violent, and ideologically-driven conflict are a critical source of cohesion—and durability—in party-based authoritarian regimes. Origins in violent conflict raise the cost of defection and provide leaders with additional (non-material) resources that can be critical to maintaining unity and discipline, even when a crisis threatens the party's hold on power. Hence, where ruling parties combine mechanisms of patronage distribution with the strong identities, solidarity ties, and discipline generated by violent origins, regimes should be most durable.We apply this argument to four party-based competitive authoritarian regimes in post-Cold War Africa: Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. In each of these cases, an established single- or dominant-party regime faced heightened international pressure, economic crisis, and a strong opposition challenge after 1990. Yet whereas ruling parties in Kenya and Zambia were organized almost exclusively around patronage, those in Mozambique and Zimbabwe were liberation parties that came to power via violent struggle. This difference is critical to explaining diverging post-Cold War regime outcomes: whereas ruling parties in Zambia and Kenya imploded and eventually lost power in these face of crises, those in Mozambique and Zimbabwe remained intact and regimes survived.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 271
Author(s):  
Farizan Fajari

Kamboja merupakan salah satu negara yang menerapkan sistem pemilu otoriter. Kondisi tersebut dimanfaatkan oleh partai penguasa, Cambodia People’s Party (CPP), sebagai sarana untuk mendominasi kursi parlemen Kamboja hingga pemilu tahun 2008. Namun, peta kekuatan partai politik di Kamboja mengalami perubahan pada pemilu tahun 2013. Pada pemilu tersebut, perolehan kursi CPP mengalami penurunan signifikan dan menjadi hasil terburuk bagi mereka sejak pemilu tahun 1998. Penurunan tersebut utamanya dilatarbelakangi oleh kegagalan CPP dalam mendapatkan kursi terbanyak di empat wilayah urban Kamboja: Kampong Cham, Phnom Penh, Prey Veng, dan Kandal, yang memiliki proporsi jumlah kursi terbanyak. Padahal, CPP sebelumnya tidak pernah mengalami kekalahan di keempat wilayah tersebut secara bersamaan. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa kekalahan CPP dalam rezim otoriter disebabkan oleh kondisi-kondisi penting yang terjadi di Kamboja. Dengan mengelaborasi teori Dominant Party Authoritarian Regimes dan konsep pengawas pemilu internasional, artikel ini melihat tiga kondisi penting yang terjadi di Kamboja yang menjadi penyebab menurunnya suara CPP di perkotaan, yaitu: kebijakan pemerintahan Hun Sen yang menyebabkan permasalahan dalam masyarakat, menguatnya partai oposisi dan keberhasilan isu dan strategi kampanye yang digunakan, dan peran pengawas pemilu internasional dalam menurunkan praktik intimidasi politik oleh militer. Dalam mengumpulkan data, artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dengan cara mengumpulkan data primer melalui wawancara mendalam dan analisis data sekunder dari kajian literatur.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 663-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ora John Reuter ◽  
Rostislav Turovsky

2014 ◽  
pp. 88-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Syunyaev ◽  
L. Polishchuk

We study the impact of Russian regional governors’ rotation and their affiliation with private sector firms for the quality of investment climate in Russian regions. A theoretical model presented in the paper predicts that these factors taken together improve “endogenous” property rights under authoritarian regimes. This conclusion is confirmed empirically by using Russian regional data for 2002—2010; early in that period gubernatorial elections had been canceled and replaced by federal government’s appointments. This is an indication that under certain conditions government rotation is beneficial for economic development even when democracy is suppressed.


2012 ◽  
pp. 24-47
Author(s):  
V. Gimpelson ◽  
G. Monusova

Using different cross-country data sets and simple econometric techniques we study public attitudes towards the police. More positive attitudes are more likely to emerge in the countries that have better functioning democratic institutions, less prone to corruption but enjoy more transparent and accountable police activity. This has a stronger impact on the public opinion (trust and attitudes) than objective crime rates or density of policemen. Citizens tend to trust more in those (policemen) with whom they share common values and can have some control over. The latter is a function of democracy. In authoritarian countries — “police states” — this tendency may not work directly. When we move from semi-authoritarian countries to openly authoritarian ones the trust in the police measured by surveys can also rise. As a result, the trust appears to be U-shaped along the quality of government axis. This phenomenon can be explained with two simple facts. First, publicly spread information concerning police activity in authoritarian countries is strongly controlled; second, the police itself is better controlled by authoritarian regimes which are afraid of dangerous (for them) erosion of this institution.


2004 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Herb

Several Arab monarchies have held reasonably free elections to parliaments, though all remain authoritarian. This article compares the Arab monarchies with parliaments in other parts of the world, including both those that became democracies, and those that did not. From this I derive a set of prerequisites, potential pitfalls, and expected stages in the monarchical path toward democracy. This helps us to understand not only the democratic potential of the parliamentary experiments in the Arab monarchies, but also the role these parliaments play in the political life of these authoritarian regimes.


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