Public Opinion and Segregation in US Public Schools, 1987-2010

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Blanding
Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1(46)) ◽  
pp. 265-282
Author(s):  
Dagmara Głuszek-Szafraniec

Religious education in school in Poland – analysis of selected media debates The aim of this article is to present an analysis of media debates on religious education in a public schools, conducted in polish opinion‑forming newspapers. In the spring 2015 citizen’s initiative “Secular school” initiated changes in a law which allowed to finance religion lessons from public funds. The author tackles a topic from the perspective of the presence of religious education in schools for 25 years. Such approach gives opportunity to confront contemporary views on this issue, presented over the past year in the media, with public opinion research on this subject, conducted since 1990.


2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Emmett Hall ◽  
Shirley Andrea Woika

There are forces at the local, state, and national levels that have worked to delegitimize and obstruct the teaching of evolution and, in some cases, to legitimize the teaching of religious ideas. Despite scientific evidence, public opinion, and even legislation, these forces have continued to influence, and in some cases block, the teaching of evolution in public schools. Proponents for the teaching of aspects of religion in schools have been defeated in the courts many times but have continued to find new ways to insert their ideology into the U.S. education system. Strategies for avoiding controversy, confronting misinformation, and distinguishing science from non-science are provided.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110332
Author(s):  
Virginia Riel ◽  
Roslyn Arlin Mickelson ◽  
Stephen Samuel Smith

School choice is an increasingly important feature of the US educational landscape. Numerous studies examine whether a particular form of school choice promotes student achievement or whether a type of school choice discourages or encourages diversity by race, ethnicity, and ability. Studies also examine attitudes toward school choice, but these studies are typically limited to the views of parents, teachers, and administrators rather than public attitudes. We contribute to this literature by studying public opinion about magnet and charter schools in five southern school districts. Using a new and unique dataset, we examine if social background characteristics, political ideology, and attitudes toward the role of public schooling, neighborhood schools, and school diversity influence citizen opinion regarding magnets and charters. We find that more educated, higher income, and older individuals do not support charters, while conservatives and Republicans do. Whites are less likely to favor magnets than other races, while the more educated are more likely to favor them. Those who believe public schools should operate for the common good support magnets, as do those who favor diverse schools. However, those who favor neighborhood schools support both charters and magnets. We interpret our findings within the context of case studies of the respective locations and suggest that public opinion studies motivate public policies regarding educational choice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-91
Author(s):  
Gordon Emmett Hall ◽  
Shirley Andrea Woika

There are forces at the local, state, and national levels that have worked to delegitimize the teaching of evolution and, in some cases, to legitimize the teaching of religious theory. Despite scientific evidence, public opinion, and even legislation, these forces have continued to influence, and in some cases block, the teaching of evolution in public schools. Proponents for the teaching of religious theory in schools have been defeated in the courts many times but have continued to find new ways to insert their ideology into the U.S. education system. Strategies for avoiding controversy, confronting misinformation, and distinguishing science from faith are provided at the end of this article.


2006 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 587-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
FREDERICK HESS

In this article, Frederick Hess discusses public opinion trends related to educational issues from the enactment of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) in 2002 through 2006. Using data from three separate public opinion polls, Hess analyzes the general public's and parents' opinions on several issues, including the proper use of large-scale assessments, the appropriateness of punitive action for failing schools, the place of school choice, and the responsibility for closing achievement gaps across groups. Among many important findings, the author determines that NCLB has had little effect on the public's general opinion of public schools; that there is little public support for the sanctioning of struggling schools; and that while the public feels that schools should not be blamed for existing achievement gaps, schools should be responsible for closing them. He concludes with a discussion of implications for policymakers and practitioners.


2017 ◽  
Vol 99 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-75
Author(s):  
Maria Ferguson

According to this year’s PDK Poll of the Public’s Attitudes Toward the Public Schools, many parents would be willing to abandon public schools if a voucher were dangled before them. Has there really been a shift in American public opinion about public education or does the poll merely reflect what parents believe is best for their own child? The author concludes that some Americans may be poised to re-evaluate their long-standing commitment to public education if the price is right.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael B. Berkman ◽  
Eric Plutzer

The teaching of evolution in public schools has been a central element in the nation's “culture wars” since the 1920s and remains a contentious issue today. Content standards for the teaching of biology have been flashpoints for conflict, with well publicized battles occurring in state governments, in federal courts, and in local school districts. We show that a full understanding of evolution politics at the state level must simultaneously account for three important features. First, cultural politics typically includes an important role for public opinion. Second, scientists and their professional organizations have actively sought a monopoly on defining what is and is not science by marginalizing their uncredentialled opponents and by erecting boundaries that buffer science policy from the influence of politics and public opinion. Third, in the American federal system courts rarely settle cultural issues but merely narrow the space within which politics can operate. In accounting for these features, we explain why court victories for science have had only limited impacts and provide a model for understanding other issues—such as sex education, stem cell research, and global warming—in which moral and ideological arguments may conflict with scientific consensus.


1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-23
Author(s):  
Karen Navratil ◽  
Margie Petrasek

In 1972 a program was developed in Montgomery County Public Schools, Maryland, to provide daily resource remediation to elementary school-age children with language handicaps. In accord with the Maryland’s guidelines for language and speech disabilities, the general goal of the program was to provide remediation that enabled children with language problems to increase their abilities in the comprehension or production of oral language. Although self-contained language classrooms and itinerant speech-language pathology programs existed, the resource program was designed to fill a gap in the continuum of services provided by the speech and language department.


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