WTO Disciplines on Export Credit Support for Agricultural Products in the Wake of the US - Cotton Case and the Doha Round Negotiations

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Coppens
Author(s):  
Ellen Huan-Niemi

Agriculture is at the centre of the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations at the World TradeOrganization. The US is aggressively demanding for significant reduction in tariff, but the EU isunable to lower its tariffs drastically because further tariff reductions will erode border protection forsome of its important agricultural products.In this study, EU agricultural products are examined by tariff lines at eight digit level to reveal thesensitive agricultural products in the EU. These products are butter, skim milk powder, beef meat,poultry meat, pig meat, white sugar, wheat, barley, and maize. A spreadsheet model is used as ananalysis tool to complement the various modelling approaches in identifying the sensitive agriculturalproducts of the EU. The spreadsheet projection model is a simple forecasting model that uses a set ofprojection values from other models to predict possible outcomes. The sensitivity of EU agriculturalproducts is analysed with various exchange rates (USD 0.90 per Euro to USD 1.50 per Euro), differenttariff reduction formulas (according to the EU proposal, WTO draft proposal, and US proposal), andthe separate tariff-cut limits in the Draft formula and US formula.Out of the many proposals submitted to the WTO for the tariff reduction formula, the US proposal isthe most extreme and the EU proposal is the most lenient with the G-20 proposal and the WTO draftproposal being in the middle. It is natural that the EU proposal will generate a lower number ofsensitive products compared to the WTO draft proposal, and the US proposal will generate the highestnumber of sensitive products.The results demonstrate that cereals such as wheat, barley, and maize are the most resilient to theerosion of border protection due to further reduction in tariffs in the projected Doha Round. Incontrast, poultry meat has the weakest border protection in the projected Doha Round. The examinedEU agricultural products are very sensitive to the fluctuations of exchange rate. In the projected DohaRound, there are no sensitive agricultural products in the EU if the Euro is very weak - USD 0.90 perEuro. On the contrary, a very strong Euro (USD 1.50 per Euro) will create the greatest amount ofsensitive products in the projected Doha Round.WTO members are entitled to select and designate an appropriate number of sensitive products.Proposals have extended from as little as one percent to as much as fifteen percent of tariff lines. TheEU has proposed eight percent of the tariff lines to be designated as sensitive products. In contrast, theUS and G-20 group have proposed only one percent of the tariff lines to be designated as sensitiveproducts. The WTO draft proposal estimated that the number of sensitive products may be betweenfour to eight percent of all agricultural tariff lines. Therefore, the EU may be eligible to designatebetween 88 to 176 tariff lines as sensitive products. This study has analysed only nine tariff lines outof the 2200 tariff lines for EU agricultural products. The examined EU agricultural products mayrepresent other tariff lines in the same product category, but potential sensitive products at eight digitlevel have to be analysed individually in order to choose the correct and exact number of sensitiveproducts for the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 11-27
Author(s):  
WILLIAM DZEKASHU

Most of Sub-Sahara Africa gained independence from Europe in a wave from 1957 through the late 1980s with the notion that her former colonial masters would be development partners in the newfound era of political, social, and economic freedom. This perception of partnership is evidenced in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, but regrettably, in other countries in the continent, there have been delays in infrastructure development. With Europe’s failure to meet the expectation, Africa has turned to China as a development partner. China has tackled some of the urgent infrastructure needs in return for agricultural products and natural resources. This recent partnership with China continues to expand in Africa, demonstrated by the launching of the Belt and Roads Initiative (BRI). East and Southern Africa represent the highest beneficiaries of the BRI engagements, receiving over half of the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from China whose foreign investment practices in Africa have come under great criticism from the West. This skepticism is due to the vague nature of the engagements and notes which are not publicly reported. This persistent suspicion by the West calls for close monitoring of the relations between the US and China that could easily escalate to a conflict between both nations. Though under attack, BRI has scored great instances of success through the execution of major infrastructure and commercial projects in partner nations. An issue of focus addressed here is whether the engagements with China represent sustainable relationships for development.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
DONALD MACLAREN

The fundamental objective of the negotiations on agriculture that are taking place in the Doha Round is to establish a new set of rules, which will correct current distortions and prevent future distortions in international markets for agricultural products while taking into account non-trade concerns and special and differential treatment. A summary of the chronology of the very slow progress to date in the negotiations is provided. This rate of progress is explained through considering the weights the different groups of governments are giving to removing trade distortions, on the one hand, and to non-trade concerns and special and differential treatment, on the other. Some results from the economic theory of distortions and welfare are used to explain the conditions under which the twin pursuits of non-trade concerns domestically and fairness internationally are compatible. These results are contrasted with the realities of the current negotiations on the agriculture component of the ‘July 2004 package’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (6) ◽  
pp. 53-80
Author(s):  
Jeff Biddle

Statistical inference is the process of drawing conclusions from samples of statistical data about things not fully described or recorded in those samples. During the 1920s, economists in the United States articulated a general approach to statistical inference that downplayed the value of the inferential measures derived from probability theory that later came to be central to the idea of statistical inference in economics. This approach is illustrated by the practices of economists of the Bureau of Economic Analysis of the US Department of Agriculture, who regularly analyzed statistical samples to forecast supplies of various agricultural products. Forecasting represents an interesting case for studying the development of inferential methods, as analysts receive regular feedback on the effectiveness of their inferences when forecasts are compared with actual events.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-185
Author(s):  
Sachin Kumar Sharma ◽  
Adeet Dobhal ◽  
Surabhi Agrawal ◽  
Abhijit Das

Developing members at the WTO face a shrinkage in policy space for supporting their agricultural sector due to the limited room available under the provisions of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA). Contrastingly, most developed members can provide high levels of product-specific support without breaching their commitments on account of their support entitlements. For some of these members, the so-called ‘Blue Box’ under the AoA, plays a pivotal role in expanding the policy space with respect to domestic support to agricultural products. Though a lot of scholarship has discussed and examined other support provisions under the AoA, the ‘Blue Box’ remains relatively shrouded in mystery. Testimony to this is the fact that although the Blue Box has found use amongst developed members, no developing member, except for China in 2016, has ever used the Blue Box to support their producers. Given the impasse in the Doha Round of negotiations and limited flexibilities available under the AoA, this paper examines the feasibility and compatibility Blue Box measures with developing members’ socio-economic situation. Findings of this paper bring to fore the variations in member practice and the operational flexibilities available in implementing Blue Box programmes to support agriculture. JEL: F13, F14, F17, Q17


Subject WTO ruling against Boeing over tax incentives. Significance The WTO ruled on November 28 that Boeing received unfair subsidies as part of an 8.7-billion-dollar tax incentive package passed by the US state of Washington in 2013 for development of the 777X airliner. Boeing’s European rival Airbus hailed the “knockout ruling”, and the French finance ministry argued that the EU could institute “retaliatory measures” should US authorities fail to remove the support. Impacts The Washington state legislature is likely to pull the local production provisions in exchange for an informal agreement with Boeing. Airbus could gain an export credit edge should the US Export-Import Bank’s charter lapse again in 2019 due to Republican opposition. Tighter US restrictions on Iran sales or protectionist steps against China or the Gulf from the new administration would hit both companies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (196) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
V.N. Minat ◽  

As part of the study of agricultural production, as one of the leading export-oriented sectors of the US economy, the dynamics of foreign trade in American agricultural products, which is objectively recognizable in the categorical and economic evolution of spatial patterns, is considered. The latter are considered in the context of the global regional structure of agricultural exports and imports of the United States in 1946–2019 and the features of stimulating the export of American agricultural products in the context of the main regions and countries of the world for the same period of time. Based on the synthesis of historical/evolutionary and spatial approaches, methodologically filled with methods of abstract-logical and statistical-economic analysis of official American statistics, the provisions on geo-economic conjuncture, expansionism and protectionism of US foreign trade in the world/global agricultural market are empirically proved.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-401
Author(s):  
Julieta Zelicovich

El objetivo de este artículo es indagar en las vinculaciones entre la política comercial externa norteamericana durante la administración Obama y algunos de los principales cambios sucedidos durante la última década en las relaciones comerciales internacionales. Nuestra hipótesis sostiene que fenómenos como la parálisis de las negociaciones de la Ronda Doha y el avance de las negociaciones de acuerdos “Megarregionales” guardan una estrecha relación con las modificaciones de la política comercial externa norteamericana del período 2009-2015. Desde la perspectiva de los bienes públicos, sostendremos que durante la presidencia de Barack Obama, EEUU ha priorizado la construcción de bienes públicos “exclusivos” por sobre los regímenes multilaterales que representen bienes públicos “no-discriminatorios”.  El trabajo se inscribe dentro de una interpretación realista de las transformaciones de la Economía Política Internacional. Se trata de un trabajo descriptivo-explicativo, cuya metodología se ha centrado en el análisis de contenido de fuentes documentales: “The President’s Trade Policy Agenda” del período 2009 a 2015 y la “Bipartisan Congressional Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015’’.Palabras-llave: Obama, Política comercial, Gobernanza Global, Rodada Doha, acuerdos megarregionales  Abstract: The aim of this paper is to investigate the connections between the US foreign trade policy for the Obama administration and some of the major changes that have occurred over the past decade in the international trade relations. Our hypothesis is that phenomena such as the paralysis of the Doha Round negotiations and the progress of megarregional-agreements negotiations are closely connected with changes in the US foreign trade policy for the period 2009-2015. From the perspective of public goods, we will argue that during the presidency of Barack Obama, the US has prioritized the construction of "exclusive" public goods over the multilateral regimes that represent "non-discriminatory" public goods. The paper makes an interpretation of the changes in the international political economy from the realistic theory viewpoint. This is a descriptive-explanatory work, where the methodology has focused on content analysis of documentary sources: "The President's Trade Policy Agenda" for the period 2009-2015 and the "Congressional Bipartisan Trade Priorities and Accountability Act of 2015''.Key words: Obama, Trade Policy, Global Governance, Doha Round, megarregional agreements


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document