Constraining aspectual composition

Author(s):  
Maria Flouraki

In Modern Greek there is a rich aspectual system, which involves both morphologically expressed grammatical aspect and eventuality types, carried primarily by the meaning of the verbal predicate. Particular emphasis is paid to the interaction between grammatical aspect and eventuality types, since it is due to this interaction that the verbal predicate acquires distinct meanings. In order to explain potential changes in the meaning of the eventualities caused by the interaction with grammatical aspect, I propose a formal analysis within HPSG, using Minimal Recursion Semantics (MRS) for the semantic representations. Following the MRS architecture, I introduce a number of relations, which represent both grammatical aspect and eventuality types. The close interaction between grammatical aspect and eventuality types triggers special meanings which traditionally can be explained by inserting contextual information into the representations. In this paper, I argue against such an analysis, providing an alternative which is based on the introduction of subeventual templates formulated by Michaelis (2003) and Pustejovsky (1995). In this context, grammatical aspect combines with eventuality types and selects eventualities or subeventualities appropriate to its selection restrictions, using information that is already there in the denotation of the eventualities.

Author(s):  
Jong-Bok Kim ◽  
Jaehyung Yang ◽  
Sanghoun Song

The complexity of comparative constructions in each language has given challenges to both theoretical and computational analyses. This paper first identifies types of comparative constructions in Korean and discusses their main grammatical properties. It then builds a syntactic parser couched upon the typed feature structure grammar, HPSG and proposes a context-dependent interpretation for the comparison. To check the feasibility of the proposed analysis, we have implemented the grammar into the existing Korean Resource Grammar. The results show us that the grammar we have developed here is feasible enough to parse Korean comparative sentences and yield proper semantic representations though further development is needed for a finer model for contextual information.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOSHUA C. FEDDER ◽  
LAURA WAGNER

abstractReaders actively construct representational models of meaning when reading text, and they do so by drawing on a range of kinds of information, from the specific linguistic forms of the sentences to knowledge about how the world works (Ferretti, Kutas, & McRae, 2007; Madden & Zwaan, 2003). The present set of studies focused on how grammatical aspect is integrated into a situation model and how it is connected to other dimensions of model construction. In three experiments, participants were asked to complete sentences with a choice of grammatical aspect form (perfective or imperfective). The test sentences systematically varied four dimensions of the sentence that were linked to grammatical aspect in different ways: telicity and transitivity (both linked through their semantic representations), subject animacy (linked through an inference over semantic representations), and related location information (linked through an inference grounded in world knowledge). In addition, to examine the influence of discourse function (backgrounding vs. foregrounding) on aspectual choice different construction types were varied across experiments – specifically a fronted locative construction and the presence of a generic narrative opener (Once upon a time). The results found that aspectual choice depends on information linked to the semantic representation of grammatical aspect; however, in contrast to previous work (e.g., Ferreti et al., 2007) information grounded in world knowledge (location information) did not influence aspectual choice except when it was integrated in a specialized discourse construction.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Myriam Bras ◽  
Anne Le Draoulec ◽  
Nicolas Asher

This paper presents an analysis of the French adverbial alors (then, at that time, so). Among the linguistic markers that establish a temporal relation between the eventualities introduced by two clauses, we define as \textit{temporal connectives} those that introduce at the same time some sort of discourse relation. We argue that alors can be such a connective. Within the framework of Segmented Discourse Representation Theory, our investigation concerning the discourse information conveyed by sentence initial alors reveals at least three sorts of relations close to the Result relation of SDRT. Alors alone conveys a weak causal relation, which we formalize using Lewis’ counterfactual, and encode in the discourse relation Weak-Result. We distinguish it from Strong-Result, which is inferred when lexical or other contextual information suggests a causal, discursive link. We also show that alors can, when Weak-Result is blocked, suggest an inferential relation, which we express using the weak conditional already present in SDRT.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Topintzi ◽  
Stefano Versace

Dekapentasyllavo (DPS), the dominant poetic meter in the Modern Greek poetic tradition since several centuries, has barely received any attention by modern linguistic theories. Basing our discussion on the analysis of several dimotiká tragoúdia (folk songs), we seek to understand the structure underlying the meter. Our investigation reveals which patterns are frequently attested, which are less frequent and those which are (virtually) inexistent. DPS verifies the oft-cited L-R asymmetry in verselines (cf. Ryan 2013), which renders L-edges looser than the stricter R-edges. It also tolerates stress lapses much more than stress clashes. Our ensuing account captures this distribution by referring to, primarily, the relation of phonological phrasing to counting of metrical positions and, secondarily, to rhythm. These components are then integrated within a formal analysis along the lines of the Bracketed Grid Theory (Fabb & Halle 2008). We conclude by outlining how DPS poses a challenge for theories of poetic meter and by contemplating its contribution to the field.


Author(s):  
Ángeles Carrasco

Perfect predicates have usually been defined as stative. The purpose of this paper is to explain why. I will pay attention to both the resultative and the experiential Perfects. Contrary to Katz (2003), Nishiyama & Koenig (2004, 2010), Michaelis (2011) and Piñón (2014), the stativity of the Perfect will be derived from its nature as a content of grammatical Aspect. More precisely, I will assume that the Perfect allows us to make assertions regarding the state of affairs that follows an event that culminates or ceases (Klein 1992, 1994). In the case that we are dealing with the resultative Perfect, that state of affairs will be equated with the goal state of the subeventive structure of a telic predicate. But if we are dealing with the experiential Perfect, the state of affairs will be equated with the final state of a process which ends up characterizing the subject as a participant in the type of event denoted by the verbal predicate.


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