scholarly journals Mencari Makna Dalam Sejarah: Meninjau Kembali Historiografi Indonesiasentris Sebagai Sumber Belajar Sejarah

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Kurniawati Kurniawati

This article describes the historiography toward Indonesia after independence and its relevance to the teaching of history at the time.The Method used in writing this article is the research literature. Writing the history of Indonesia, which has a style Indonesiacentric is an issue that has always promoted in the historiography Indonesia. Since independence in 1945, a form of history writing seeks embodied Indonesiacentric.Therefore it seeks a National History Congress was held to formulate the form of historiography Indonesiasentric but Congress was not fully able to formulate clearly .Historiografi Indonesia finally caught up to the political interests that lead to the deconstruction of old regime history. History teacher thus becomes very important in answering the anxiety people especially students in learning history.Curriculum 2013 gives greater space to the history teachers to design learning history allows students not only rely on textbooks but explores a variety of sources and historiography are available.

2019 ◽  
pp. 193-236
Author(s):  
Arvind Elangovan

Contrary to Rau’s ideas, the framers of the Indian constitution, however, were deeply influenced by the political history that preceded the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. As a result, the framers privileged not only Fundamental Rights but also the postcolonial State and the latter’s right to intervene for the cause of social justice. Interestingly, the idea that mainly underscored this act of privileging was not so much to come together to create a state by submitting individual wills (as theorized by social contract theorists, for instance) but rather there was a deep mistrust between the different political interests that were at work in the Constituent Assembly. Thus, by the time of the drafting of the Indian constitution, political history played a dominant role, with norms giving way to a history of politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-491
Author(s):  
Luka Špoljarić

This article analyzes the “De Bellis Gothorum,” a long neglected and misunderstood history of the ancient Goths written in 1472–73 by Nicholas of Modruš, the leading Croatian-Illyrian bishop at the papal curia. By placing the work in its proper context, this article reconstructs a previously unknown episode in the political history of the fifteenth-century Adriatic. It is argued that the “De Bellis Gothorum” was in fact a national history that was meant to provide a trans-Adriatic network of Croatian and Bosnian nobles and churchmen with support from Naples and the papacy for their border wars against the Ottomans and reestablishment of their national kingdom.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

The people of Nepal have witnessed different political movements in the political history of Nepal. The political movements are influenced by different philosophies. Gita philosophy as well has marked distinct impact in the politics of Nepal. The people of Nepal had to bear a lot of injustice, oppression and exploitation during Rana rule. Although the governments prior to Rana rule were also not so much democratic, to some extent they were directed to public welfare. At the time of Rana rule there had taken place many reformations in global politics, but Nepali people were denied off very common citizen rights. So, there was a need for a democratic movement in Nepal. In the campaigns for democratic movements then, there was a very significant impact of Gita philosophy. It is found from this study that four martyrs of 1997BS and founder leaders of Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party were influenced by the ideas of Gita philosophy and the general public has a great faith on the Gita philosophy. Gita philosophy has formed the foundations for the democratic movement in Nepal. And even after the establishment of democracy in Nepal, there were series of political changes in Nepal. And in the revolutions or campaigns for restoration of democracy or for the republic, there has been a role of different political leaders and as many of the first-generation leaders are still in active politics, we can find direct or indirect influence of Gita philosophy in Nepalese politics. Though the later generations of leadership seem to have less knowledge about Gita, their activities and the political interests matched with the principles of Gita philosophy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Muhammad Affan

<p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The following article aims to describe the proxy warfare, Mozarab and city of Cordova in the history of Umayyad II in Andalusia, Spain. The results of the study are expected to contribute historical-based thinking in the development of Islamic studies and social-humanities studies.  The method used in this study is the method of historical research through literature review. From the study, it is concluded that Umayyad II prefers to align with the Byzantine on the basis of the political interests of power rather than the fraternal brethren of Muslims.</em> <em>Umayyad II is also more oriented towards Arabization than the Islamization of the Andalusian region as evidenced by the emergence of the Mozarab social class and the highly civilized city of Cordova</em>. <em>So it can be understood further that the presence of Umayyad II rule in Andalusia is not a direct cause of the spread of Islam in the region.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> proxy warfare, Mozarab, Cordova, Umayyad Andalusia</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p align="center"><strong><em>Intisari</em></strong></p><p><em>Artikel berikut bertujuan untuk menguraikan peperangan proxy, mozarab dan kota Cordova  dalam sejarah Umayyah II di Andalusia, Spanyol. Hasil kajian diharapkan dapat memberi sumbangan pemikiran berbasis sejarah dalam pengembangan studi-studi Islam dan studi sosial humaniora. Metode yang dipergunakan dalam kajian adalah metode penelitian sejarah melalui kajian literatur. Dari kajian yang dilakukan, diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa Umayyah II lebih memilih beraliansi dengan Byzantine atas dasar kepentingan politik kekuasaan ketimbang persaudaraan sesama Muslim. Umayyah II juga lebih berorientasi pada usaha arabisasi daripada islamisasi wilayah Andalusia yang dibuktikan dengan kemunculan kelas sosial mozarab dan kota Cordova yang berperadaban tinggi. Sehingga dapat difahami lebih jauh bahwa kehadiran kekuasaan Umayyah II di Andalusia tidak menjadi sebab langsung penyebaran agama Islam di wilayah tersebut.</em></p><p><strong><em>Kata kunci:</em></strong><em> peperangan proxy, mozarab, cordova, Umayyah Andalusia</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Thorp ◽  
Monika Vinterek

Abstract This article presents a study of how Swedish pre-service history teachers narrated their nation’s past. Previous research on national history education has generally focused on the treatment of conflicts in national history and what challenges that poses for history education. The present study seeks to complement and broaden this research through its focus on a country where national history is generally perceived as uncontroversial and the debate on national history is generally characterised by consensus, and on what strategies future history teachers use when recounting the national history of Sweden. Using a qualitative approach, we asked our respondents to “Tell us the history of Sweden in your own words” in writing. The study finds that the vast majority of the respondents approach their national history in a way that reinforces a traditional view of Swedish national history. These narratives are generally presented in a way that does not engage with or show how perspective and position affects our rendering of history, which has often been regarded as problematic in history educational research. At the same time, these results also show that our respondents are well familiar with the dominant way of perceiving the Swedish past, something that could also be argued to be valuable in history education, depending on how we choose to approach national history. Keywords: national history, history education, historical consciousness, uses of history   Kontroversiellt okontroversiellt? Om svenska historielärarstudenters relation till deras nationella förflutna Sammandrag Artikeln presenterar en studie av hur svenska historielärarstudenter skildrade Sveriges historia. Tidigare forskning om nationell historieundervisning har främst närmat sig ämnet från ett konfliktperspektiv och undersökt vilka utmaningar detta innebär för historieundervisningen. Föreliggande studie söker att komplementera tidigare forskning genom att fokusera på ett land vars nationella historia generellt uppfattas som okontro­versiell och där debatten om den nationella historieskrivningen i stor utsträckning präglas av konsensus, samt på vilka strategier historielärarstudenter använder när de skildrar Sveriges historia. Genom en kvalitativ forskningsansats bad vi våra respond­enter att skriftligen”Berätta Sveriges historia med dina egna ord”. Studien visar att majoriteten av respondenterna skildrar den svenska historien på ett sätt som återger en traditionell syn på Sveriges historia. Dessa narrativ är generellt skrivna på ett sådant sätt att de inte visar hur perspektiv och positionering påverkar hur vi skildrar det förflutna, något som ofta ansetts vara problematiskt i historiedidaktisk forskning. Samtidigt visar studiens resultat att respondenterna är välbekanta med det dominerande sättet att skildra den svenska historien, något som även kan vara värdefullt för historieundervisningen, beroende på hur vi väljer att närma oss den nationella historien. Nyckelord: nationell historia, historiedidaktik, historiemedvetande, historiebruk


2021 ◽  
Vol 136 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-149
Author(s):  
Dirk Jan Wolffram

De politieke geschiedenis van Nederland en België zoals bestudeerd in de BMGN had verschillende gezichten. Aanvankelijk domineerde een zekere traditionele geschiedschrijving over beide landen, die als een steeds dunner wordende rode draad door de inhoud van de afgelopen vijftig jaar loopt. Vanaf het midden van de jaren tachtig verschoof de nadruk naar de geschiedschrijving over de Nederlandse politiek, en ontwikkelde de BMGN zich tot platform voor de vernieuwing van de politieke geschiedenis van de moderne tijd. Deze politieke-cultuurbenadering manifesteerde zich vanaf het midden van de jaren negentig in een aantal baanbrekende artikelen en bracht ook de moderne Belgische politieke geschiedenis opnieuw onder de aandacht. In het afgelopen decennium ontpopte de BMGN zich tot podium voor een jonge generatie politieke historici. Studies of the political history of the Netherlands and Belgium as examined in the BMGN had various manifestations. Initially a somewhat traditional historiography about the two countries dominated, surfacing in the content of the past fifty years, albeit progressively less pronounced. From the mid 1980s the focus shifted to the historiography of Dutch politics, and the BMGN evolved into a platform for innovating political history writing of the modern period. This political-cultural approach manifested from the mid 1990s in several pioneering articles and restored interest in modern Belgian political history. In the past decade the BMGN has become a platform for a young generation of political historians.


1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.


Author(s):  
George E. Dutton

This chapter takes a closer look at Binh’s literary output with an emphasis on the lengthy collections of tales he wrote between 1815 and 1830. It uses these volumes to understand new Catholic genealogies and temporalities, to illustrate the shifting worldview and understandings of time being experienced by Vietnamese Catholics. The chapter describes how Binh organized his books using indexes and tables of contents, and the significance of Binh’s use of the Romanized alphabet throughout his writings, suggesting that his literary output marked an important moment in the history of this Vietnamese writing system. The chapter features a lengthy discussion of Binh’s two-volume history of Vietnamese Catholicism, and argues that in these two volumes Binh reconceptualized the histories of Christianity in his homeland. Binh’s histories focused on Vietnamese, rather than Europeans, and made these histories of their own. These volumes were also innovative in the context of Vietnamese history writing, as they represented the first substantial Vietnamese histories that were focused on a minority group, rather than on the actions of political elites. The chapter concludes by looking briefly at Binh’s final writing project, and then his last years, lived against the political chaos of 1820s Portugal.


1983 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-246
Author(s):  
Margaret Yong

Malaysian drama in English (MDE) is an inelegant name, but it describes exactly a curious breed of theatre in Malaysia: Englishlanguage drama, which seeks to be locally appropriate, in a country whose polycultural history has resulted in the presence of a diverse mixture of languages including Malay (the National Language), the major dialects of Chinese, Hindi, Tamil and other Indian languages, as well as English. Malaysian drama in English has existed for some twentyfive years – not a long history, even measured by the standards of the New Literatures of post-colonial nations. Its quarter century of life has been short and turbulent. MDE has followed a course marked by race riots, language demonstrations, defections from its fold, institutional indifference, censorship, and the gradual withering of the English language itself as a medium viable within the national context. Much of the history of MDE has been affected by the major socio-political changes of the nation. It is not possible, then, to see MDE as an autonomous, selfenclosed entity. Its life cannot be extricated from the national history out of which it grows, and its story is inseparable from the political fortunes of the English language in Malaysia.


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