scholarly journals Comrade Tito, it’s all your fault! Yugoslav Citizens’ Letters to Josip Broz Tito

2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-32
Author(s):  
Dejan Jović
Keyword(s):  
Direct Link ◽  
Personal Problems ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Unemployed Person ◽  
The People ◽  
Local Officials

Between 1945 and 1967, Josip Broz Tito, the Marshal and President of Yugoslavia, ‎received 411,769 letters written by citizens of his country. Until 1964 ‎he personally read most of the letters addressed to him and made decisions‎ on requests and comments expressed in them. In this article we argue that ‎Tito used the letters received to establish a direct link between himself and ‎citizens. This was one of the key instruments of his power, as he used letters ‎to conduct a permanent ‘anti-bureauratic revolution’ which would squeeze ‎lower-level officials into a sandwich between him and ‘the people’. We focus ‎on one particular letter, written by Dragomir Katić, a 27-year old unemployed ‎person from Kraljevo, Serbia. The letter arrived in February 1967, and Tito ‎used this occasion to personally meet Katić. Despite Tito’s promise, however, ‎Katić’s problem could not be solved for more than two years, due to a power‎ struggle between Tito and local officials in Serbia. This case sheds new light ‎on the nature of Tito’s alleged absolute power in Yugoslavia. It tells us much‎ about the attitude of dissatisfied individuals in Communist Yugoslavia, who ‎cared much more about solving their personal problems than about changing‎ the system, at least for as long as Tito was alive.‎

Fetishism and the Moral Marketplace: How Abolitionist Sugar Boycotts in the 1790s Defined British Consumers and the West Indian "Other"

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Laurel Carmichael
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
West Indian ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Class Consciousness ◽  
Direct Link ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
The West ◽  
The People

<p>In the early 1790s more than 300,000 Britons boycotted West Indian sugar in one of the most impressive displays of public mobilisation against the slave trade. Many of those who abstained were inspired by William Fox’s 1791 pamphlet An Address to the People of Great Britain on the Utility of Refraining from the Use of West India Sugar and Rum. The abstention movement gained momentum amidst the failures of the petition campaign to achieve a legislative end to the slave-trade, and placed the responsibility of ending slavery with all British consumers. This thesis draws from cross-disciplinary scholarship to argue that the campaign against slave sugar appealed to an idealised image of the humanitarian consumer and maligned slave. Writers such as Fox based their appeal on a sense of religious duty, class-consciousness and gendered values. Both the domestic sphere and the consumer body were transformed into sites of political activism, as abolitionists attempted to establish a direct link between the ingestion of sugar and the violence of colonial slavery. Attempts to encourage consumers’ sympathetic identification with the plight of distant slaves occurred alongside attempts to invoke horror and repulsion at slave suffering. The image of the West Indian slave presented to consumers was one shaped by fetishized European imaginings. The decision to abstain from slave sugar, therefore, was not only motivated by genuine philanthropic concerns, but the desire to protect the civilised and refined modern consumer, from the contaminating products of colonial barbarity.</p>

The Ideal Local Party Secretary and the “Model” Man

1964 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 229-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. S. Chen
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Direct Observation ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Party Secretary ◽  
The People ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Local Party ◽  
The Ideal

In what light does the Communist Party wish to project itself to the people? Is the local party secretary presented as the remote symbol of authoritarian efficiency, a reflection of the absolute power above? Or is he supposed to be a model of the nutrient “helper,” responsive to the people's needs and governed by humanitarian considerations? The actual quality of these relationships is of course inaccessible for direct observation, but we can examine some of the Communist presentations of the image and expectations in officially approved literary publications.

scholarly journals Perilaku Etika Bisnis Pedagang Sayur Di Pasar Tradisional Manggisan Tanggul Perspektif Abu Hamid Muhammad Al-Ghazali

Fenomena ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-222
Author(s):  
Diny Duratul Ummah ◽  
Ainul Churria Almalachim
Keyword(s):  
Business Ethics ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Empirical Methods ◽  
Personal Problems ◽  
Doing Business ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Traditional Market ◽  
Islamic Business Ethics ◽  
Market Player

The Manggisan ebankment market is a traditional market where the people conduct daily buying and selling transactions. In conducting business activities does not deny the existence of fraud that can be caused by a lack of awareness and knowledge in doing business based on Islamic business ethics. Awareness of the application of business ethics values must be carried out by every market player. Syari’ah business ethics is a moral reference as part of Islamic forms of Akhlaqul Karimah in muamalah. Islamic business ethics is based on monotheism, honesty, justice (balance) and kindness (ihsan). In conducting business activities Abu Hamid Muhammad Al Ghazali emphasied to always be guided by Islamic business ethics because by doing so a Muslim in doing his business will get two advantages namely the world and the hereafter. The formulation of the problem from this study is how the behavior of the vegetable traders ethics in the embankment Manggisan market. And how the behavior of greengrocer business ethics in the market of Abu Hamid Muhammad Al Ghazali’s embankment perspective. This research is a type of (field research) by using juridical empirical methods, namely methods that collect data by means af observation, interviews and documentation of the behavior of business ethics of vegetable traders in conducting business activities.Based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that in general the vegetable traders in the Manggisan embankment market have applied business ethics behavior in their business activities. Including starting a business by reading basmalah, not reducing scales and not taking very much profit, even though in reality they do not understand that what they are doing is part of the theory of business ethics. But there are still traders who someties are rude to buyers due to having personal problems with their families, this is considered to have violated Islamic business ethis. One of the principles that must be possessed by a Muslim trader is to be good so that what is done will provide benefits to others so that the business carried out does not only benefit themselves but also benefits others.

scholarly journals Binary opposition «power/people» in S. Eisenstein's historical and biographical cinematography

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (26) ◽  
pp. 172-179
Author(s):  
Varvara A. Tirakhova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Binary Opposition ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
Character System ◽  
Research Material ◽  
The People ◽  
Soviet Ideology ◽  
Ivan The Terrible ◽  
Cultural Hero ◽  
Title Character

This article is devoted to the study of the binary opposition «power/people» in Soviet historical and biographical films. The research material is S. Eisenstein’s iconic films Alexander Nevsky (1938) and Ivan the Terrible (1944). Having analyzed the development and transformation of the binary opposition «power/people» in Eisenstein's historical and biographical films in terms of plot, character system and composition, the author came to the following conclusions: characters of formal authority are often negatively marked. The image of the people is represented by an indivisible monolith. The binary opposition «power/people» is removed by the introduction of a mediator, the character which becomes a key one in films. In the film Alexander Nevsky, the image of the cultural hero, the title character, removes the conflict between the opposing sides: the image of the prince is opposed to the image of the official power and absorbs the features of the people's ruler. The image of the people, when interacting with the image of a cultural hero, becomes an ambivalent carrier of both power and heroic traits. In the film Ivan the Terrible, the development of the medial image of the tsar leads to the fact that he himself becomes the embodiment of absolute power, occupying the «powerful» side of the opposition. Thus, the binary opposition is replaced by the ambivalence of the ruler. The author concludes that the development of the opposition «power/people» in the historical and biographical cinema of the Stalinist time is representative of its period and demonstrates strengthening of the imperial discourse of Soviet ideology and the role of the ruler's personality.

scholarly journals Developing Co-management for Conservation and Local Development in China’s National Parks: Findings from Focus Groups in the Sanjiangyuan Region

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ting Ma ◽  
Brent Swallow ◽  
J. Marc Foggin ◽  
Linsheng Zhong ◽  
Weiguo Sang
Keyword(s):  
Focus Groups ◽  
National Parks ◽  
National Park ◽  
Local Development ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Community Stakeholders ◽  
The People ◽  
Close Proximity ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
National Park System

Abstract Environmental protection in China has progressed significantly in the past decades, including introduction of more collaborative approaches in the management of protected areas and the establishment of a new national park system. Many milestones have been achieved. While such developments are driven largely by national and global goals, the people who are most affected are those who reside in the protected landscapes. A range of strategies have been proposed and tried in relation to local development, with many important lessons learned, yet little has been heard to date directly from the community stakeholders themselves. In this study we report on feedback and recommendations received from focus groups in vicinity of China’s first national park, Sanjiangyuan, regarding lived experiences of “community co-management” by Tibetan herders and local officials. Overall, the most recent National Park model is deemed successful, albeit with some notable perceived limitations. Focus group participants recommend more balanced compensation opportunities including for communities living outside but in close proximity to the paranagement and health care) and establishing a more effective compensation or insurance system to offset econok, eased restrictions on ecotourism, provision of public services for communities in the park (especially waste mmic losses due to wildlife damage.

They Could Make Some Decisions

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Greta de Jong
Keyword(s):  
Program Planning ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Direct Access ◽  
War On Poverty ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
Black Residents ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
Local Officials ◽  
Antipoverty Programs

This chapter examines the impact of the War on Poverty in rural southern plantation counties and the threat that it posed to the people in power. Direct access to the Office of Economic Opportunity’s grant-making divisions enabled black residents to bypass racist local officials who had previously controlled access to federal assistance, bringing millions of dollars into impoverished areas. Antipoverty initiatives such as the North Bolivar County Farm Cooperative and the Tufts-Delta Health Center provided services and job opportunities for poor people, encouraging displaced laborers to stay in the South and work to improve conditions in their communities. The OEO’s mandate to include representatives of the poor in program planning enabled rural black southerners to directly influence the distribution of resources in their communities for the first time in their lives, threatening the interests of regional elites. Opponents attacked antipoverty programs, using exaggerated charges of corruption and mismanagement to paint the War on Poverty as a waste of taxpayer money and undermine public support for the effort.

scholarly journals Hobbesian Sovereignty and the Rights of Subjects

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-230
Author(s):  
Eleanor Curran
Keyword(s):  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Writing ◽  
Inalienable Rights ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Power And Authority

Hobbes, in his political writing, is generally understood to be arguing for absolutism. I argue that despite apparently supporting absolutism, Hobbes, in Leviathan, also undermines that absolutism in at least two and possibly three ways. First, he makes sovereignty conditional upon the sovereign’s ability to ensure the safety of the people. Second and crucially, he argues that subjects have inalienable rights, rights that are held even against the sovereign. When the subjects’ preservation is threatened they are no longer obliged to obey the sovereign. Third, there is also a possible limitation on the absolute power of the sovereign in the form of restrictions Hobbes puts in place on what laws he may legitimately make. Finally, Hobbesian absolutism is compared to the absolutism of Carl Schmitt. This exercise demonstrates the limitations that Hobbes places on the power and authority of the sovereign.

Fetishism and the Moral Marketplace: How Abolitionist Sugar Boycotts in the 1790s Defined British Consumers and the West Indian "Other"

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Laurel Carmichael
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
West Indian ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Class Consciousness ◽  
Direct Link ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
The West ◽  
The People

<p>In the early 1790s more than 300,000 Britons boycotted West Indian sugar in one of the most impressive displays of public mobilisation against the slave trade. Many of those who abstained were inspired by William Fox’s 1791 pamphlet An Address to the People of Great Britain on the Utility of Refraining from the Use of West India Sugar and Rum. The abstention movement gained momentum amidst the failures of the petition campaign to achieve a legislative end to the slave-trade, and placed the responsibility of ending slavery with all British consumers. This thesis draws from cross-disciplinary scholarship to argue that the campaign against slave sugar appealed to an idealised image of the humanitarian consumer and maligned slave. Writers such as Fox based their appeal on a sense of religious duty, class-consciousness and gendered values. Both the domestic sphere and the consumer body were transformed into sites of political activism, as abolitionists attempted to establish a direct link between the ingestion of sugar and the violence of colonial slavery. Attempts to encourage consumers’ sympathetic identification with the plight of distant slaves occurred alongside attempts to invoke horror and repulsion at slave suffering. The image of the West Indian slave presented to consumers was one shaped by fetishized European imaginings. The decision to abstain from slave sugar, therefore, was not only motivated by genuine philanthropic concerns, but the desire to protect the civilised and refined modern consumer, from the contaminating products of colonial barbarity.</p>

scholarly journals Judges and Representatives of the People: a Polish Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-378
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Gersdorf ◽  
Mateusz Pilich
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The People ◽  
Protection Of Human Rights ◽  
Constitutional System

Relations between the judiciary and the elected authorities (i.e. the legislative and the executive) in each country and at all times are among the most sensitive from the point of view of statehood. There is an obvious truth expressed in the famous saying of Lord Acton: ‘Power tends to corrupt, absolute power corrupts absolutely’2. The universal calling of judges is to restrain executive and legislative branches of government in their efforts to increase their power, especially at the expense of individuals. A state where there is no sufficiently strong counterweight to the natural omnipotence of the people’s representatives is not in line with the principle of the rule of law, because there is no one to remind the elected powers that their mandate has its limits – contemporarily established in particular by constitutional norms and the international regime for the protection of human rights.3 Naturally, courts do not directly take part in a political discourse, even though some kind of judicial review of the acts of public authorities exists virtually everywhere; these should not be characterised as an interference in political matters.4 The mutual respect of the judiciary and elected authorities proves the maturity of the state constitutional system, regardless of how far-reaching the powers are of judges to examine the constitutionality of legislation.

Understanding Blame Politics in China's Decentralized System of Environmental Governance: Actors, Strategies and Context

2017 ◽  
Vol 231 ◽  
pp. 634-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ran Ran
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Environmental Governance ◽  
Governance Structure ◽  
Avoidance Behaviour ◽  
Decentralized System ◽  
Discursive Analysis ◽  
The People ◽  
Blame Avoidance ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
Local Officials

AbstractDecentralized environmental governance theory suggests that decentralization can produce better environmental performance mainly because lower-level governments are closer to the people and environmental issues and are considered more legitimate than the national government. However, China's decentralized system of environmental governance has been often regarded as a key factor in creating pollution problems rather than in solving them. To explain this puzzle, this article, using Blame Avoidance Behaviour in government theory as a theoretical framework, examines how blame avoidance behaviour shapes China's decentralized system of environmental governance from three perspectives: first, actors and the chain of blame shaped by the hierarchical power structure among environmental policymakers and implementers; second, the strategies of discursive domination and decentralization for blaming environmental problems on local officials; and lastly, the contextual factor of “hierarchical governmental trust.” Drawing on documentary discursive analysis and extensive fieldwork, this article suggests that the dysfunction of China's decentralized environmental governance structure may in fact be an outcome of a blame-shifting game between central and local governments.

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