scholarly journals Descriptive representation and political participation

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-70
Author(s):  
Timofey Agarin ◽  
Petr Čermák
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Post Conflict

The series of ethnic conflicts in the Western Balkans over the 1990s in- volved primarily the constituent nations of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia: Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks, and later, Albanians and Macedonians. Ethnic violence has equally affected other numerically smaller groups residing in the geo- graphic areas affected by conflict between the dominant, de facto state-founding ethnic groups. The paper investigates the continuous importance of ethnic identity for political participation of non-dominant groups affected by the ethno-political dynamics of dominant groups in post-conflict Croatia. Analyses of the political mobilisation of non-dominant groups in regions previously affected by conflict offer evidence that their ethno-political mobilisation reflects the continuous importance of identity-politics in the context of highly ethnicised institutions ensuring political representation at national and municipal levels.

scholarly journals Regional position of Serbia in light of foreign policy relations with its “old neighbors”

2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-505
Author(s):  
Mladen Lisanin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Interested Party ◽  
Research Attention ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Status ◽  
Regional Position

Due to turbulent circumstances and controversial heritage in regard to the breakup of ex-Yugoslavia, regional position of Serbia is, within academic as well as the wider public, most often observed in the context of its relations with the ?new? neighbors - the states that have emerged from the breakup of the former common country. This is in part because of constant tensions in the relations with ex-Yugoslav states, but also due to the political agenda of Western actors, which sets the framework for regional integration processes through the concept of ?Western Balkans?. Foreign policy relations of Serbia with its ?old? neighbors (most notably, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, given that Albania has a distinct status as a de facto interested party in the dispute regarding the status of Kosovo and Metohija), nonetheless, remain at least just as important element of Serbia?s regional position. It is the author?s intention to point towards determinants of the foreign policy of Serbia, as factors that work, or are visible, through relations with Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. This will be observed in the context of bilateral and multilateral, formal and informal foreign policy connections and relations. The conclusion, in the form of a recommendation, is that international political dynamics in the ?Western Balkans? should not completely avert research attention away from Serbian relations with its non-Yugoslav neighbors.

scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación política en las democracias latinoamericanas: las cuotas electorales de género

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.

scholarly journals A Spatial Analysis of Political Participation in Telangana State, India

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Karunakar Virugu ◽  
Ashok Kumar Lonavath
Keyword(s):  
Information System ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Andhra Pradesh ◽  
Geographical Information ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Telangana State

Telangana state is a newly formed state in India. It is the 29th state and was formed on 2nd June, 2014. It was part of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh state. The lack of political participation from the Telangana regions in state of Andhra Pradesh was the major cause for demanding separate state hood for Telangana. The Geopolitical analysis expresses that the heads of the political parties and governing portfolios was only from Rayalaseema and Andhra region. The regional disparities were one of the major causes of discrimination among the regions. It is worthwhile to mention the political dynamics within Telangana and give the scenario of political participation among different regions of Telangana. The study of Zilla Parishad elections (ZP) is a micro-level political participation of people in Telangana as with Panchayat Raj elections in different states of India. Geographical Information System (GIS) was employed to analyse the spatial patterns of Geopolitical participation of people in ZP elections.  Panchayat Raj elections were held 4 times in Telangana, when it was part of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh. The research paper analyse the political dynamics of Panchayat Raj as democracy of ZPTC’s. There are 443 ZPTC’s in Telangana and the three major political parties like Indian National Congress (INC), Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Telangana Rastra Samiti (TRS) plays the significant role in the Geo-politics of Telangana.

Social inclusion in the post-conflict state of Nepal: Donor practice and the political settlement

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fragile States ◽  
Development Partner ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Bias Risk ◽  
Horizontal Inequalities ◽  
Political Settlement

Fragile states constitute a challenging operating environment. Yet, the role of development partner engagement on issues of social inclusion, identity politics, or horizontal inequalities in such fragile environments has not received the attention these complex issues warrant. The attitudes of development actors, their level of commitment, bias, risk management, and understanding of the political settlement can have a real bearing on the effectiveness of such efforts to promote inclusion. In Nepal, certain development partners have faced elite backlash for their engagement on social inclusion, while others have been more successful. This article asks what lessons can be learned from these experiences for those interested in promoting social inclusion in fragile states through development assistance.

scholarly journals The Effect of the Electoral System on Political Representation in Iraq Post 2003

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Mohammed Abed Hammadi ◽  
Magda Ali Saleh
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

The study discusses the influence of the electoral system on the political representation of the social compositions of the Iraqi people, and the nature of their political participation in the ongoing political process in Iraq, by means of structuring entities and parties on basis of subsidiary identities, aside from the national identity. The study is divided into two research objectives. The first research objective is examining the nature of the political representation of the social compositions after the American invasion of Iraq in 2003, through exploring the religious and nationalistic diversities of the social compositions of the Iraqi society, in addition to discussing the political blocs and parties in the Iraqi system post 2003. The study realizes that these parties and political blocs depend on the sectarian and doctrinal dimension as well as the nationalistic ideology shedding its shadow on the entire political process. In turn, the political process employs quota systems as an approach towards its formation, which also brings about weak leadership and personnel loaded with personal gain against loyalty and citizenship. The second research objective is discussing the development of the electoral system and its effect on the representation of social compositions within the political process, through tracing three legislative elections taking place after 2003. The study reached several points of results, the most important of which is the influence of the electoral system on the political process and its effect on the nature of political representation of social compositions, since this system produces a majority out of a single composition at the expense of other social compositions in the Iraqi society. As a result, it gave rise to a house of representatives unable to fulfill its legislative and inspective functions, and that operates as a field for settling preset agendas and expressing authoritative judgments.

Ethnic violence and substantive representation of minorities in parliament

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251211989152
Author(s):  
Sabri Ciftci ◽  
Tevfik Murat Yildirim
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Background Characteristics ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Kurdish Conflict

This study seeks to explain why, to what extent, and in what ways ethnic party representatives remain active on the parliamentary floor when the political representation of minority groups takes place alongside ethnic conflict. To test hypotheses related to these questions, we utilize an original dataset of 14,000 parliamentary questions and speeches and background characteristics of 372 representatives in Turkey. The dataset spans many episodes of the Kurdish conflict over six legislative terms (1991–2015). Our empirical analyses show that the parliamentary behavior of ethnic party representatives is directly linked to the intensity of violence between the state and the insurgent group. We specifically demonstrate that ethnic party representatives, compared to other representatives in conflict-ridden provinces, are more active on the floor and focus more heavily on civil rights and identity issues. These findings contribute to our understanding of various linkages between identity and the substantive representation of minorities during violent conflict.

scholarly journals Political Representation in Indian Democracy: A View from the Margins

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-71
Author(s):  
Ishita Mehrotra
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dalit Women ◽  
Everyday Experiences ◽  
And Gender

Political participation and representation are pillars of a successful democracy. This article explores Indian democracy from the perspective of village-based Dalit women; it is about how Dalit women understand and engage with the ‘political’ and how they see their representatives. The argument built in the article is that Dalit women see politics and representation from the vantage point of their everyday experiences and from their distinct positions in terms of caste, class and gender.

Minority Political Participation at the Local Level: The Roma

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Bačlija ◽  
Miro Haček
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Research Work ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Formation Model ◽  
Self Administration ◽  
Representation Model

This article aims to study the existing models of political representation of the Roma minority in Slovenia. The research analyses two existing models of political participation, namely, the political representation model employed in 2002 and the policy formation model introduced in 2007. As the state is limited in securing adequate representation of minority groups in an electoral democracy, conditions for minorities to have equal opportunity and to be effectively involved in public life must be created. This can be achieved with representation in advisory and decision-making institutions such as elected bodies and assemblies of national minority affairs; local and autonomous levels of administration; self-administration by a national minority in aspects concerning its identity, especially in circumstances where autonomy on a territorial basis does not apply; and decentralised or local forms of government. Based on surveys conducted in 2004 and 2008 we have tried to identify trends in the performance of the political representation model. The research work has made some interesting findings with regard to the relationship between the two models. It appears that the political representation model acts as a platform for positive change while the policy formation model is a source of conflict among Roma representatives.

scholarly journals Beyond the restrictive consensus: elections in Mexico (1809-1847)

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (42) ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Antonio Aguilar Rivera
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
New Spain ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Early Implementation ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Popular Classes

This essay looks at experiments with a system of representation taking place in New Spain and later in Mexico. The elections that were carried out during the days of Spanish rule dealt expediently with the political dynamics of this form of government, such as broad-based political participation. . We study the elections during the early decades of independence through the beginning of the war with the United States, and we find that in spite of the fact that during the 1830s there was growing consensus among the elites that it would be best to implement censitary suffrage, the desire to exclude the working classes did not prove feasible. None of the factions involved were able to abstain from appeals to the "lower (threatening) classes". We attempt to explain why this was so. There are several different hypotheses in this regard. One argument is that the early implementation of sufferage was a result of competition between antagonistic factions. However, by the end of the 1820s, popular mobilization led to social disorder, such as the destruction of the Parian market. This stimulated elite preoccupations. At the beginning of the 1830s, the ruling classes held back on engaging popular classes in electoral struggles. Yet this agreement proved short-lived, with conservatives giving up on the notion of census suffrage and the renewed insistence of liberals, encouraged by electoral triumphs, on maintaining a broad electoral base.

The empowerment of Latin American women in politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ketty Marilú Moscoso Paucarchuco ◽  
Jesus Cesar Sandoval Trigos ◽  
Manuel Michael Beraún Espíritu ◽  
Jhoys Leylaura Ordóñez Gómez ◽  
Hilario Romero Girón
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
American Women ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
The Status ◽  
Status Of Women

The book untitle: “The empowerment of Latin American women in politics” is integrated by three chapters. The first one covers elements related to female empowerment in politics, especifically the topics related to feminist theory and political representation. The second one deals with empowerment and political participation of women in Latin America; it highlights the status of women and their political participation as well as the influencing factors in women’s political participation. The third one transactions with neutrosophical evaluation of the political participation of women candidates and elected officials of the provincial municipality of Huamanga.

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