scholarly journals Party soldiers: The selection of electoral leaders in parliamentary democracies

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Javier Martínez Cantó
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
New Members ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Academic Knowledge ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Presidential Democracies ◽  
Selection Of

The selection of candidates for public office is one of the pivotal functions political parties perform in liberal democracies. Many works have studied the nomination of candidates for the legislative branch. Few studies have looked into the nomination of candidates for the executive branch in presidential democracies. However, very few works have looked at candidates' nomination for the executive branch in parliamentary democracies, who have been called electoral leaders or top candidates. This dissertation contributes to filling this gap by exploring three main research questions. First, what criteria do political parties use when nominating a top candidate? Second, to what extent do political parties nominate their top candidates on electoral considerations? Third, under which conditions is electoral competition more likely to shape party decision-making? I consider that political parties hold two criteria when nominating a top candidate. First, based on top candidates' electoral and campaigning function, parties seek to nominate electable top candidates likely to achieve more votes. Second, considering that top candidates may become prime ministers after the election and perform a series of post-electoral functions, parties will seek to nominate more reliable candidates who stay close to their party’s preferences. Building on the literature on party organization change, this dissertation proposes a new theoretical framework for understanding how different incentives can drive parties to nominate top candidates closer to one or the other criterion. In particular, this dissertation studies four factors: the party’s screening and recruitment capacity, internal demand, external demand, and the type of selectorate. To test the influence of these four factors, this dissertation presents a novel dataset of more than 2500 sub-national top candidates in Canada, Germany and Spain. There have been collecting information about the personal, partisan and political background of top candidates, which been complemented with information about the type of selectorate, the party’s internal structure, and the electorate's state. The main results are summarized as follows. First, parties are heavily dependent on their access to public institutions to recruit and train new members and produce top candidates with high degrees of reliability. Second, the results show that political parties are more reactive to changes in their internal coalitions' composition than to changes in the overall electorate. Finally, the results show that party primaries tend to differ from party conferences and party elites when the party has experienced some environmental change regarding the type of selectorate. This dissertation contributes to the understanding of the role of top candidates in parliamentary democracies and academic knowledge about party organizational change and adaptation.

scholarly journals Organizing Political Parties

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Organizational Differences ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Party Differences ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Selection Of

This book uses the newly collected Political Party Database to investigate how political parties organize in contemporary parliamentary democracies. It develops new approaches and new measures for testing mid-level theories about the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences. Chapters in the first section catalogue cross-party differences in areas such as financial and staffing resources, party relations with societal groups, and roles of party members’ in party decision-making. These chapters find much greater similarities within countries than within party families. Chapters in the second section examine the impact of parties’ organizational differences, including on the selection of female candidates, the incorporation of new ideas in party manifestos, and the unity of parties’ legislative delegations. These and other chapters demonstrate how parties’ organizational efforts can affect important policy and political outcomes.

scholarly journals Combining Clientelism and Incumbency Advantage: Political Strategy in Candidate Selection for the 2017 Local Head Election in Bekasi Regency

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-42
Author(s):  
Caroline Paskarina ◽  
Rina Hermawati ◽  
Desi Yunita
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Selection For ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Selection Of

This article discusses the post-clientelist initiatives used by political parties in the selection of candidates within the party to determine the regent and vice regents nominated for the local election. Candidate selection is the political domain of political parties, but in the context of figure-based politics, parties tend to play more as political vehicle in the candidacy of local head. Through this role, resource exchanges take place between parties and candidates within the internal party candidacy arena. Using qualitative methods through in-depth interviews and observations of candidate selection in the Bekasi Regent 2017 election, this article seeks to reveal how post-clientelist initiatives are used by party elites to optimize the incumbency advantage as main political resource in the candidate selection to determine who will pair the incumbent. The results show that the dominance of party elites in candidate selection process determines how financial resources and political support are optimized to win the incumbent. Decision to choose the vice-regent from the same party while still forming coalitions with other parties indicates that post-clientelistic strategy is operated both internally and externally. This practice confirms the tendency of the candidate selection model to be more inclusive because it involves other parties, but remains pragmatic.

TRENDS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE EVOLUTION OF THE INSTITUTION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN MODERN RUSSIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
State Bureaucracy ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Post Industrial

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.

The Acceptance of Party Unity in Parliamentary Democracies

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Willumsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Survey Questions ◽  
Ideal Policy ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Policy Incentives

The central argument of this book is that voting unity in European legislatures is not primarily the result of the ‘disciplining’ power of the leadership of parliamentary parties, but rather the result of a combination of ideological homogeneity through self-selection into political parties and the calculations of individual legislators about their own long-term benefits. Despite the central role of policy preferences in the subsequent behaviour of legislators, preferences at the level of the individual legislator have been almost entirely neglected in the study of parliaments and legislative behaviour. The book measures these using an until now under-utilized resource: parliamentary surveys. Building on these, the book develops measures of policy incentives of legislators to dissent from their parliamentary parties, and show that preference similarity amongst legislators explains a very substantial proportion of party unity, yet alone cannot explain all of it. Analysing the attitudes of legislators to the demands of party unity, and what drives these attitudes, the book argues that what explains the observed unity (beyond what preference similarity would explain) is the conscious acceptance by MPs that the long-term benefits of belonging to a united party (such as increased influence on legislation, lower transaction costs, and better chances of gaining office) outweigh the short-terms benefits of always voting for their ideal policy outcome. The book buttresses this argument through the analysis of both open-ended survey questions as well as survey questions on the costs and benefits of belonging to a political party in a legislature.

Wpływ populizmu na demokrację liberalną: na przykładzie prawicy (PiS i Kukiz’15) w wyborach parlamentarnych w Polsce w 2015 roku

1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (274) ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
Marek Tyrała
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Significant Contribution ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Philosophical Perspective ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Research Hypothesis ◽  
Interdisciplinary Character

The main research hypothesis put in the article is: Populist parties have a negative impact on the functioning of liberal democracy in Poland. The article attempts to characterize and define the main criterion distinguishing populist parties and anti-system movements against the background of standard political parties. The article also attempts to characterize the process of functioning of liberal democracy in Poland. The text has an interdisciplinary character, the research problem has been analyzed from a political, sociological and philosophical perspective. While verifying the hypothesis put in the work, it was noticed that there is a high probability that the election success of populist parties and movements had a negative impact on the process of functioning of liberal democracy in Poland after the parliamentary elections. An attempt to verify the research hypothesis can make a significant contribution to further studying the functioning of the party and anti-system movements in the process of electoral rivalry in Poland.

scholarly journals Penentuan Kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ridwansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Strategic Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Congress

Artikel ini ingin menyorot mengenai penentuan kandidat pepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh. Bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh. Serta mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh yang tidak merujuk kepada AD dan ART Partai Aceh sekaligus dengan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dalam pembahasan, disimpulkan: Pertama, bahwa proses penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh tidak sesuai dengan Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Partai Aceh. Akan tetapi proses ditentukan dalam kongres partai hal ini berdasarkan pernyataan para elit-elit Partai Aceh. Kemudian Dewan Pimpinan Pusat, Dewan Pimpinan Wliayah, Dewan Pimpinan Sagoe, Dewan Pimpinan Mukim dan Dewan Pimpinan Gampong sudah mengadakan rapat dalam hal penentuan para kandidat yang diusung. Kedua, konsekuensi dari penentuan kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh baik itu Calon Gubernur/Wakil Gubernur, Calon Bupati/Wakil Bupati, Calon Walikota/Wakil Walikota memang tidak merujuk kepada Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Partai Aceh, dalam Anggaran Rumah Tangga Pasal 6 yang menyatakan kewenangan Majelis Tuha Peut menentukan kebijakan strategis namun kenyataannya tidak demikian, hal ini inkonstitional karena melanggar ketentuan AD dan ART Partai Aceh. Karena legitimasi AD dan ART Partai Aceh diakui secara kuat oleh Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. This article would like to highlight the determination of the Aceh Government candidate pala in internal Aceh Party. Aims to find out and analyze the determination of candidates for the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh in the Internal Aceh Party. As well as knowing and analyzing the determination of candidates for candidates for the Head of the Aceh Government in the Internal Aceh Party who did not refer to the AD and ART of the Aceh Party as well as Government Regulation Number 20 Year 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. Based on the research results in the discussion, it was concluded: First, that the process of determining candidates for the Head of Aceh Government candidates in the Aceh Party internally was not in accordance with the Aceh Party Statutes and Bylaws. However, the process was determined at the party congress based on the statements of the Aceh Party elites. Then the Central Leadership Board, the Wliayah Leadership Board, the Sagoe Leadership Board, the Mukim Leadership Council and the Gampong Leadership Council held a meeting in determining the candidates to be promoted. Second, the consequences of determining the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh, whether Candidates for Governor / Deputy Governor, Candidates for Regent / Deputy Regent, Candidates for Mayor / Deputy Mayor, do not refer to the Statutes and Articles of the Aceh Party, in Article 6 of the Bylaws which states the authority of the Tuha Assembly Peut determines strategic policy but the reality is not the case, this is unconstitutional because it violates the provisions of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party. Because the legitimacy of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party is strongly recognized by Government Regulation Number 20 of 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. 

scholarly journals Refractory Frontier: Intra-party Democracy in the Zambian Polity

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
John Bwalya ◽  
Owen B. Sichone
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Development ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Leadership Transitions ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Selection Of

Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained.

Pre-Electoral Coalition Formation in Parliamentary Democracies

2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
SONA NADENICHEK GOLDER
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Electoral Coalitions ◽  
Vast Literature ◽  
Coalition Size ◽  
Government Coalition

Political parties that wish to exercise executive power in parliamentary democracies are typically forced to enter some form of coalition. Parties can either form a pre-electoral coalition prior to election or they can compete independently and form a government coalition afterwards. While there is a vast literature on government coalitions, little is known about pre-electoral coalitions. A systematic analysis of these coalitions using a new dataset constructed by the author and presented here contains information on all potential pre-electoral coalition dyads in twenty industrialized parliamentary democracies from 1946 to 1998. Pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form between ideologically compatible parties. They are also more likely to form when the expected coalition size is large (but not too large) and the potential coalition partners are similar in size. Finally, they are more likely to form if the party system is ideologically polarized and the electoral rules are disproportional.

scholarly journals Why, sometimes, primaries? Intraparty democratization as a default selection mechanism in German and Spanish mainstream parties

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 594-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Astudillo ◽  
Klaus Detterbeck
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Selection Method ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Selection Mechanism ◽  
Leadership Selection ◽  
Limited Knowledge ◽  
Western Democracies ◽  
Selection Of

In many Western democracies, political parties have started to open to members the selection of their leaders. While most studies focus on the introduction of this new selection method, its subsequent practice is still understudied. The article contributes to our still limited knowledge of this process by looking at two multilevel countries, Germany and Spain, where the mainstream parties have sometimes organized membership ballots, especially at the regional level, for leadership selection. Thanks to two original databases on party conferences and membership ballots, the article analyzes the background of this process and reviews the most common explanations offered by the literature. It shows that they are not held when parties want to regain power, or party chairs seek their nomination, as commonly believed, but when there are intraparty leadership disputes.

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